Browsing by Subject "EU"
Now showing items 1-20 of 110
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(2023)Due to recent price volatility in the EU electricity markets, exceptional intervention measures have been implemented to ease the increased pressure on European households and businesses. This thesis examines the measure of setting a cap on market revenues for inframarginal energy generators. The thesis is divided into three sections. The first part of this research highlights the main elements of the EU’s energy policy objectives, attempts to trace back to the causes of the energy crisis, and examines how the current electricity market design contributes to attaining these goals. The second part deals with the content of the temporary regulatory measure that sets a cap on market revenues and attempts to identify some of its key costs and benefits. Finally, the third section takes a more pragmatic approach aiming to determine the risks adopting such regulatory measures may impose on the renewable energy industry by drawing from empirical data acquired from industry operators via survey responses. Combining these three parts of research, this thesis seeks to first determine and introduce the causes of the current electricity market crisis as well as the aspects of the current electricity market design that may be considered to malfunction. The second research question deals with the content of the regulatory measures adopted to mitigate this crisis in electricity markets attempting to conclude whether this measure can be considered an effective intervention. Along with the aims of the first and second parts, this thesis also attempts to assess the potential risks such regulation may have on the future of the renewable industry, forming the third research question answered through empiricism: how could this temporary measure affect the generators of renewable energy in the long-term? Besides providing a brief overview on the current EU electricity market design, this thesis aims to establish the importance of transitioning to renewable energy and increasing its role in the EU energy mix to not only be vital for environmental sustainability but a key element in ensuring the security of supply by diversifying the energy mix and decreasing the EU’s dependency on imported energy, as well as cutting off indirect support to Russian war. Along with this aim, it attempts to examine the effectiveness of the approach of setting a cap on market revenues on inframarginal technologies, especially considering the green transition targets of the EU.
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(2023)Due to recent price volatility in the EU electricity markets, exceptional intervention measures have been implemented to ease the increased pressure on European households and businesses. This thesis examines the measure of setting a cap on market revenues for inframarginal energy generators. The thesis is divided into three sections. The first part of this research highlights the main elements of the EU’s energy policy objectives, attempts to trace back to the causes of the energy crisis, and examines how the current electricity market design contributes to attaining these goals. The second part deals with the content of the temporary regulatory measure that sets a cap on market revenues and attempts to identify some of its key costs and benefits. Finally, the third section takes a more pragmatic approach aiming to determine the risks adopting such regulatory measures may impose on the renewable energy industry by drawing from empirical data acquired from industry operators via survey responses. Combining these three parts of research, this thesis seeks to first determine and introduce the causes of the current electricity market crisis as well as the aspects of the current electricity market design that may be considered to malfunction. The second research question deals with the content of the regulatory measures adopted to mitigate this crisis in electricity markets attempting to conclude whether this measure can be considered an effective intervention. Along with the aims of the first and second parts, this thesis also attempts to assess the potential risks such regulation may have on the future of the renewable industry, forming the third research question answered through empiricism: how could this temporary measure affect the generators of renewable energy in the long-term? Besides providing a brief overview on the current EU electricity market design, this thesis aims to establish the importance of transitioning to renewable energy and increasing its role in the EU energy mix to not only be vital for environmental sustainability but a key element in ensuring the security of supply by diversifying the energy mix and decreasing the EU’s dependency on imported energy, as well as cutting off indirect support to Russian war. Along with this aim, it attempts to examine the effectiveness of the approach of setting a cap on market revenues on inframarginal technologies, especially considering the green transition targets of the EU.
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(2021)The year 2021 marks 36 years since the landmark Mitsubishi ruling – confirming the arbitrability of competition law-based claims, and overturning the then prevailing American Safety decision, which denied the arbitrability of competition law disputes. Mitsubishi was not only a landmark ruling in the U.S., but it also induced a similar change in Europe, firstly with the encouragement of the Commission and then followed by the CJEU in Eco Swiss. However, the development and clarification of EU competition arbitration has been relatively slow and scarce. That is due to the nature of EU competition law, which has a lot of open terminology, the lack of arbitration mentioned in the legislation, and often the unwillingness of CJEU to clarify important concepts due to lack of information. Also, arbitration proceedings are confidential by nature – which historically has been one of the main arguments against arbitrability of competition disputes – therefore, the development and clarification of EU competition arbitration has only come up in limited circumstances, mostly in the recognition and enforcement phase of the arbitral award or when the losing party has challenged the award. The current position is that competition law is an arbitrable subject-matter in the EU. That position is mostly based on the application of Articles 101 and 102 TFEU, which mostly arise in arbitration proceedings. However, when stepping out of the confined boundaries of those Articles, and considering whether Article 106 TFEU on exclusive right; Articles 107-108 TFEU on EU state aid; EUMR on concentrations or follow-on damages actions based on EU competition law infringements are also arbitrable, the answer is more ambiguous. In theory, the answer is yes, subject to limitations of the Commission’s exclusive competence, but in practice, the arbitrability of those EU competition law issues poses many challenges on arbitrators. This thesis explores the jurisdictional issues and limitations on arbitrators’ to arbitrate EU competition rules, related claims and follow-on action damages.
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(2021)The year 2021 marks 36 years since the landmark Mitsubishi ruling – confirming the arbitrability of competition law-based claims, and overturning the then prevailing American Safety decision, which denied the arbitrability of competition law disputes. Mitsubishi was not only a landmark ruling in the U.S., but it also induced a similar change in Europe, firstly with the encouragement of the Commission and then followed by the CJEU in Eco Swiss. However, the development and clarification of EU competition arbitration has been relatively slow and scarce. That is due to the nature of EU competition law, which has a lot of open terminology, the lack of arbitration mentioned in the legislation, and often the unwillingness of CJEU to clarify important concepts due to lack of information. Also, arbitration proceedings are confidential by nature – which historically has been one of the main arguments against arbitrability of competition disputes – therefore, the development and clarification of EU competition arbitration has only come up in limited circumstances, mostly in the recognition and enforcement phase of the arbitral award or when the losing party has challenged the award. The current position is that competition law is an arbitrable subject-matter in the EU. That position is mostly based on the application of Articles 101 and 102 TFEU, which mostly arise in arbitration proceedings. However, when stepping out of the confined boundaries of those Articles, and considering whether Article 106 TFEU on exclusive right; Articles 107-108 TFEU on EU state aid; EUMR on concentrations or follow-on damages actions based on EU competition law infringements are also arbitrable, the answer is more ambiguous. In theory, the answer is yes, subject to limitations of the Commission’s exclusive competence, but in practice, the arbitrability of those EU competition law issues poses many challenges on arbitrators. This thesis explores the jurisdictional issues and limitations on arbitrators’ to arbitrate EU competition rules, related claims and follow-on action damages.
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(2021)The criminalization of homosexual acts and persecution of LGBTQ+ people is a serious global problem and therefore LGBTQ+ refugees can seek asylum on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity in the European Union. The asylum process should protect LGBTQ+ refugees as they can be considered to belong to a particular social group subjected to persecution because of their sexual orientation and gender identity. However, as there are existing gaps in the legislation, the legislation is not always applied as it should be. Among other things, there has been a major problem in which way authorities should confirm the sexual orientation of asylum seekers and therefore illegal or criticized methods have arisen in the asylum process.
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(2023)Personalized pricing as a pricing strategy has become possible as a result of technological advancement. Personalized pricing uses data to determine prices that differ from uniform pricing and as a result, welfare effects change. This master thesis uses a two period oligopoly model to analyze welfare effects of personalized pricing and then applies modifications to the model to account for EU Regulations. The model finds that regulation helps mitigate negative welfare effects by reducing the amount of inefficient switching and a price ceiling helps to reduce the appropriation effect for a consumer with a high willingness to pay. A case study is used to illustrate a use case for an oligopolistic market to bring real-world context to the theoretical model. The research question is important, because it increases awareness about the effects of regulation on personalized pricing in the European union internal market.
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(2023)Personalized pricing as a pricing strategy has become possible as a result of technological advancement. Personalized pricing uses data to determine prices that differ from uniform pricing and as a result, welfare effects change. This master thesis uses a two period oligopoly model to analyze welfare effects of personalized pricing and then applies modifications to the model to account for EU Regulations. The model finds that regulation helps mitigate negative welfare effects by reducing the amount of inefficient switching and a price ceiling helps to reduce the appropriation effect for a consumer with a high willingness to pay. A case study is used to illustrate a use case for an oligopolistic market to bring real-world context to the theoretical model. The research question is important, because it increases awareness about the effects of regulation on personalized pricing in the European union internal market.
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(2016)Avhandlingens syfte är att undersöka EU-medborgares åsikter samt deras valbeteende i Europaparlamentsvalen 2014. Europeiska unionen (EU) och tidigare Europeiska gemenskapen (EG) började som elitprojekt mellan Europeiska länder för att förstärka integration och samarbete mellan länderna. Makthavarna konsulterade icke sina medborgare om deras åsikter om samarbetet vilket ju djupare samarbete blivit lett till ett demokratiskt underskott eller legitimitetskris inom EU. För att förbättra denna situation har man inom EU med åren gett allt mer makt till Europaparlamentet (EP) som är det enda direktvalda organet inom EU. Det låga valdeltagandet i Europaparlamentsvalen (EP-val) tyder dock på att EU-medborgare inte stöder eller är intresserade av EU i den mån som EU-eliten hoppas på. Mitt forskningsområde är att undersöka EU- medborgares syn på EU samt om dessa åsikter korrelerar med deras valdeltagande, jag studerar således förhållandet mellan attityder och valdeltagande. Anledningen till valet av forskningsområde är att forskningen kunde vara betydelsefull för att förstå orsaker till EU:s legitimitetskris. Forskningen kunde också ha värde i att ge idéer till frågan om hur man kan öka valdeltagandet i EP-valen. Den teoretiska bakgrunden för analysen behandlar legitimitet, det demokratiska underskottet inom EU, Europaparlamentsval som andrarangsval samt teori om hur man analyserar EU-medborgares åsikter. Som material för att undersöka min forskningsfråga använder jag information från Eurobarometerundersökningen från 2014 samt valstatistik från EP-valet 2014. Jag ser på skillnader mellan hur länderna besvarat Eurobarometerfrågorna samt deras valdeltagande i EU-parlamentsvalet 2014. Dessutom ser jag ifall man kan se indikatorer om att valdeltagande i EP-valen och attityder mot EU går ihop, dvs. betyder lågt valdeltagande att ett lands medborgare har negativa åsikter om EU. Detta gör jag genom att använda både komparativa och statistiska metoder. Jag grupperar EU-länderna enligt olika indikatorer för att få fram skillnader mellan röstbeteende. Dessa indikatorer är ifall ett gammalt eller nytt EU-land, ifall landet har euro som valuta eller inte, ifall landet är nettomottagare eller nettobetalare inom EU, valsättet inom EP-valen och till slut geopolitisk indelning. I SPSS- programmet utför jag statistiska räkningar om hur länderna gruppvis svarat på de valda frågorna och analyserar sedan dessa svar i kombination med deras valdeltagande i EP-valet 2014. Resultaten av analysen visade hur delade medborgare är i de flesta frågorna. Man kan också urskilja vissa mönster som att gamla medlemsländer röstar i EP-val flitigare än nya medlemsländer medan nya medlemsländer ofta har ett större förtroende för EU. Ett visst sorts centrum/periferi mönster går också att urskiljas. Ifall ett land hör till en geopolitisk gruppindelning som geografiskt sätt är längre ifrån Bryssel (centrum), hade dessa länder (periferi) ofta en mer negativ syn på EU. Denna indelning korrelerar också relativt starkt med indelningen i nettomottagare och nettobetalare. Minst tillit till EU hade man i Sydeuropa samt de nya demokratierna, där man också hade lågt valdeltagande, medan man hade mest positiva attityder i Rheinlandstaterna och de nordiska länderna. Denna indelning stämmer dock inte överens med alla länder, till exempel på Malta och Irland röstar man både flitigt och har positiva åsikter om EU. De facto är det överlag de mindre medlemsländerna som enligt resultaten visar sig ha högre tillit till EU än de stora medlemsländerna. Resultaten visade att ett högt valdeltagande inte hade en absolut samvariation med positiva åsikter om EU, och ibland är det till och motsatsen som syntes i resultaten. Slutsatserna av resultaten är att det tillsvidare finns tillräckligt tillit till EU för att det skall fungera och kan anses representera sina medborgare. Det finns stora skillnader mellan områden och länder i åsikter mot EU och man kan ifrågasätta ifall EU klarar av att det finns så stora åsiktsskiljaktigheter utan att det blir större klyftor mellan de olika geopolitiska områdena. Till exempel Storbritannien som har både lågt valdeltagande inom EP-val och mycket negativa åsikter om EU ordnar en omröstning om att lämna unionen ifall den inte lyckas förhandla bättre villkor för dess fortsatta medlemskap. Fortsatt forskning kunde således fokusera på att undersöka kontextuella orsaker till att det finns så stora skillnader mellan olika geopolitiska områden med tanke på attityder och tillit till EU.
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(2022)Suomen ja Ruotsin Euroopan unionin jäsenyyksien myötä maat lähtivät aktiivisesti yhteisvoimin edistämään Baltian maiden integroitumista läntisiin yhteistyöasetelmiin. Unioniin kohdistunut Suomen ja Ruotsin painostus kattavammalle Baltia-politiikalle lähensi Baltian maita lännen vaikutuspiirin kanssa, nostaen samalla pintaan kansainvälistä kenttää halkovia kysymyksiä turvallisuudesta ja vakaudesta, sekä yksittäisten valtioiden-, kansainvälisten instituutioiden ja suurvaltojen turvallisuuspoliittisista intresseistä liittyen Baltian turvallisuuspoliittiseen tilanteeseen 1990-luvun puolivälissä Tutkielman tutkimusaihe on rajattu Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuuspoliittiseen yhteistyöhön Baltiassa ja maiden välikäsirooliin EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa 1990-luvun puolivälissä. Tutkimusaihetta käsitellään ja keskeiset argumentit muodostetaan liberalismin ideologisen laajentumisen-, vallan-, turvallisuuden- ja monikansallisen turvallisuuspoliittisen yhteistyön laajemman tutkimuksellisen keskustelun kontekstista. Tutkielman ongelmanasettelua testataan seuraavilla tutkimuskysymyksillä: miksi Suomen ja Ruotsin välikäsirooli EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa edisti maiden turvallisuuspoliittisia intressejä? Miksi EU-lähtöinen välikäsirooli oli Suomen ja Ruotsin kansainvälisen aseman kannalta merkityksellistä? Miksi vallan ulottuvuudet konkretisoituvat Baltia-kysymykseen? Tutkielman primääriaineisto koostuu Ulkoministeriön arkistoaineistosta ”Tukholman R-sarja”, ja Suomen 6.6.1995 valtioneuvoston selonteosta eduskunnalle; ”Turvallisuus muuttuvassa maailmassa”-julkaistusta alkuperäisaineistosta, sekä Ruotsin hallituksen propositiosta 1994/95:160; ”Sveriges samarbete med Central- och Östeuropa”-julkaistusta alkuperäisaineistosta. Tutkimusaineiston tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty induktiivista sisällönanalyysiä. Tutkimusaineistoa on analysoitu vallan ulottuvuuksien viitekehyksestä. Tutkimusaiheen keskeiset käsittelyteemat muodostuvat hyvän naapuruuden johtavasta periaatteesta, historiallisesta yhteydestä, turvallisuuspoliittisen tyhjiön eli harmaan alueen merkityksestä; Venäjän-, EU:n- ja kansainvälisen yhteisön roolista sekä turvallisuuden luonteesta ja Baltian kytkennästä. Tutkimusaineiston keskeisten tulkintojen ja johtopäätösten avulla tutkielma havainnollistaa, kuinka Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuuspoliittinen yhteistyö Baltiassa sekä maiden välikäsirooli EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa edisti Suomen ja Ruotsin kansallisia intressejä kansainvälisen yhteisön normien ja periaatteiden mukaisessa linjassa. Baltian maiden turvallisuus- ja vakauskehitys edisti myös Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuutta ja vakautta. Suomelle Baltian maiden tukeminen merkitsi Suomen aseman vakiintumista kansainvälisessä yhteisössä diplomatian puitteissa. Ruotsi puolestaan painotti Baltian tukemisen hyötyjen vahvistavan Ruotsin toteuttamaa lähialuepolitiikkaa ja siten myös Ruotsin turvallisuutta. Suomen ja Ruotsin kansallisten tavoitteiden eroista huolimatta molemmat maat katsoivat, että niiden oma panos Baltiassa tuki kansainvälistä turvallisuus- ja vakauskehitystä, jolla oli suoria kansallisia turvallisuuspoliittisia vaikutuksia ja merkityksiä Suomelle ja Ruotsille. Vallan ulottuvuuksien näkökulmasta tarkasteltuna Suomi ja Ruotsi asettuivat kansainvälisen yhteisön ja Baltian maiden väliin. Kyseisessä asetelmassa kollektiivin muodostama voima ylläpitää kansanvälisen yhteisön hegemoniaa, josta Suomi ja Ruotsi katsoivat hyötyvänsä suorasti tai epäsuorasti. Asetelmassa Suomi ja Ruotsi olivat kollektiivin valtaa vastaanottavassa asemassa, mutta samalla myös valtaa välittävinä osapuolina, jossa asetelman viimekäden valtaa vastaanottavat osapuolet olivat Baltian maat. Kansainvälisen yhteisön jäseninä Suomi ja Ruotsi hyötyivät asemastaan yhteisössä, mutta samalla ne toimittivat välikäsiroolin virkaa kansainvälisen yhteisön intressien edistämiseksi Baltiassa.
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(2022)Suomen ja Ruotsin Euroopan unionin jäsenyyksien myötä maat lähtivät aktiivisesti yhteisvoimin edistämään Baltian maiden integroitumista läntisiin yhteistyöasetelmiin. Unioniin kohdistunut Suomen ja Ruotsin painostus kattavammalle Baltia-politiikalle lähensi Baltian maita lännen vaikutuspiirin kanssa, nostaen samalla pintaan kansainvälistä kenttää halkovia kysymyksiä turvallisuudesta ja vakaudesta, sekä yksittäisten valtioiden-, kansainvälisten instituutioiden ja suurvaltojen turvallisuuspoliittisista intresseistä liittyen Baltian turvallisuuspoliittiseen tilanteeseen 1990-luvun puolivälissä Tutkielman tutkimusaihe on rajattu Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuuspoliittiseen yhteistyöhön Baltiassa ja maiden välikäsirooliin EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa 1990-luvun puolivälissä. Tutkimusaihetta käsitellään ja keskeiset argumentit muodostetaan liberalismin ideologisen laajentumisen-, vallan-, turvallisuuden- ja monikansallisen turvallisuuspoliittisen yhteistyön laajemman tutkimuksellisen keskustelun kontekstista. Tutkielman ongelmanasettelua testataan seuraavilla tutkimuskysymyksillä: miksi Suomen ja Ruotsin välikäsirooli EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa edisti maiden turvallisuuspoliittisia intressejä? Miksi EU-lähtöinen välikäsirooli oli Suomen ja Ruotsin kansainvälisen aseman kannalta merkityksellistä? Miksi vallan ulottuvuudet konkretisoituvat Baltia-kysymykseen? Tutkielman primääriaineisto koostuu Ulkoministeriön arkistoaineistosta ”Tukholman R-sarja”, ja Suomen 6.6.1995 valtioneuvoston selonteosta eduskunnalle; ”Turvallisuus muuttuvassa maailmassa”-julkaistusta alkuperäisaineistosta, sekä Ruotsin hallituksen propositiosta 1994/95:160; ”Sveriges samarbete med Central- och Östeuropa”-julkaistusta alkuperäisaineistosta. Tutkimusaineiston tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty induktiivista sisällönanalyysiä. Tutkimusaineistoa on analysoitu vallan ulottuvuuksien viitekehyksestä. Tutkimusaiheen keskeiset käsittelyteemat muodostuvat hyvän naapuruuden johtavasta periaatteesta, historiallisesta yhteydestä, turvallisuuspoliittisen tyhjiön eli harmaan alueen merkityksestä; Venäjän-, EU:n- ja kansainvälisen yhteisön roolista sekä turvallisuuden luonteesta ja Baltian kytkennästä. Tutkimusaineiston keskeisten tulkintojen ja johtopäätösten avulla tutkielma havainnollistaa, kuinka Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuuspoliittinen yhteistyö Baltiassa sekä maiden välikäsirooli EU-lähtöisessä Baltia-politiikassa edisti Suomen ja Ruotsin kansallisia intressejä kansainvälisen yhteisön normien ja periaatteiden mukaisessa linjassa. Baltian maiden turvallisuus- ja vakauskehitys edisti myös Suomen ja Ruotsin turvallisuutta ja vakautta. Suomelle Baltian maiden tukeminen merkitsi Suomen aseman vakiintumista kansainvälisessä yhteisössä diplomatian puitteissa. Ruotsi puolestaan painotti Baltian tukemisen hyötyjen vahvistavan Ruotsin toteuttamaa lähialuepolitiikkaa ja siten myös Ruotsin turvallisuutta. Suomen ja Ruotsin kansallisten tavoitteiden eroista huolimatta molemmat maat katsoivat, että niiden oma panos Baltiassa tuki kansainvälistä turvallisuus- ja vakauskehitystä, jolla oli suoria kansallisia turvallisuuspoliittisia vaikutuksia ja merkityksiä Suomelle ja Ruotsille. Vallan ulottuvuuksien näkökulmasta tarkasteltuna Suomi ja Ruotsi asettuivat kansainvälisen yhteisön ja Baltian maiden väliin. Kyseisessä asetelmassa kollektiivin muodostama voima ylläpitää kansanvälisen yhteisön hegemoniaa, josta Suomi ja Ruotsi katsoivat hyötyvänsä suorasti tai epäsuorasti. Asetelmassa Suomi ja Ruotsi olivat kollektiivin valtaa vastaanottavassa asemassa, mutta samalla myös valtaa välittävinä osapuolina, jossa asetelman viimekäden valtaa vastaanottavat osapuolet olivat Baltian maat. Kansainvälisen yhteisön jäseninä Suomi ja Ruotsi hyötyivät asemastaan yhteisössä, mutta samalla ne toimittivat välikäsiroolin virkaa kansainvälisen yhteisön intressien edistämiseksi Baltiassa.
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(2017)This qualitative Bachelor thesis in the research area of social sciences explores the diffusion and institutionalization of the Bologna Process as a reform model for higher education. The study is based on previous research in the field of higher education, and literature on the Bologna Process, the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), and the European Union (EU). To understand the role of the Bologna Process in the development of higher education, this study explores the diffusion and institutionalization of the Bologna Process at a wide global level as well as studies the diffusion and implementation of the common Bologna Process reform instruments and principles at a narrow national level. Concerning the global diffusion and institutionalization of the Bologna Process, this study tries to answer the research question: why and how can the Bologna Process become a global model for reforming higher education? Concerning the more specific national or county-level diffusion of the Bologna Process, this study explores the diffusion and institutionalization of the Bologna Process in the Finnish higher education context trying to answer the question: why and how has the Bologna Process been diffused and institutionalized in the Finnish higher education context? To answer the first, broad and more theoretical, research question, new institutionalism is applied as a theoretical framework because it focuses on diffusion and institutionalization of global ideas, practices, and models, and explains institutional isomorphism and homogenization of organizations (DiMaggio & Powell 1998; Hall & Taylor 1996). When studying the Bologna Process from national perspective, case study research method is applied because it helps to gain deep detailed knowledge about contemporary social phenomena (Yin 1984), such as the Bologna Process. This research finds that the Bologna Process reform model has successfully been crossing borders all over the world and is, therefore, currently a globally diffused reform model for higher education. The Bologna Process has reformed multiple systems and institutions of higher education because its common reform instruments and principles have become well-institutionalized in a growing number of countries. In consequence, it can be inferred from this research that the Bologna Process currently constitutes a common global model for reforming higher education. Moreover, this research reveals that in addition to the successful global diffusion and institutionalization, the Bologna Process has been diffused and institutionalized at national level without great problems. The Finnish case study research indicates that the Bologna Process reform model has brought about important changes and improvements in Finnish higher education. The changes were mainly achieved through an effective coordination and institutionalization of the common reform instruments and principles by the Finnish Government, and owing to active cooperation between the Finnish Ministry of Education and institutions of higher education. In more specific terms, the results show that the institutionalization of the Bologna Process helped to complete the national higher education reform, which was started before the Bologna Process was created in 1999 (Bologna Declaration 1999), eliminated for the Finnish higher education inherent weaknesses, and contributed to reforming the University law (Universities Act 558/2009). Most importantly, because of the diffusion and institutionalization of the Bologna Process, the Finnish higher education has achieved its long-lasting primary goal of becoming a more attractive, international, and globally competitive higher education system.
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(2020)This Master’s thesis explored the British national identity in the early phases of the Brexit process in the years 2017–2018. The aim of the study was to examine whether a new non-EU British identity which could be detected in the speeches by Prime Minister Theresa May and what kinds of linguistic devices were employed in the construction of such identity. I approached these questions with a triangulating method which finds its home in Critical Discourse Analysis. The data consisted of transcriptions of May’s three speeches: the first one was given in London in January 2017, the second one in Florence, Italy in September in 2017 and the third one again in London in March 2018, as a storm prevented May from traveling to Manchester. I attempted to observe the respective temporal and spatial contexts, as well as the imagined audience in my analysis. I first conducted a quantitative analysis of the data by employing the Appraisal Framework developed by Martin and White. This framework is designed to recognise value positions encased in a text. It is based on Systemic Functional Linguistics and Bakhtin’s ideas on dialogic language. I.e. it views language as a semiotic system of inter-referential signs which is constructed in interaction. I applied the framework to the extent of Engagement. This category of the framework is specifically concerned with dialogic utterances. In the qualitative analysis, I applied several social scientific approaches and concepts related to questions of nation and national identity. In terms of dialogic language, the results displayed that over time May’s speeches began to contain less contractive utterances in which one would exclude other positions from the discourse. At the same time, there was an increase of expansive utterances in which one would allow other positions to seem plausible or neutral. In other words, May seemed to opt for a more conciliatory tone as Brexit visibly decelerated. When it comes to national identity, it would seem like a crucial concept for a state looking for less integrated international co-operation especially if pursuit of national sovereignty is presented as the main reason behind the endeavour. However, this study implies that May’s speeches did not offer elements which a new national identity could have been built upon. In the light of previous research on national identity, they would have evidently needed to contain more emotion-laden language.
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(2020)This Master’s thesis explored the British national identity in the early phases of the Brexit process in the years 2017–2018. The aim of the study was to examine whether a new non-EU British identity which could be detected in the speeches by Prime Minister Theresa May and what kinds of linguistic devices were employed in the construction of such identity. I approached these questions with a triangulating method which finds its home in Critical Discourse Analysis. The data consisted of transcriptions of May’s three speeches: the first one was given in London in January 2017, the second one in Florence, Italy in September in 2017 and the third one again in London in March 2018, as a storm prevented May from traveling to Manchester. I attempted to observe the respective temporal and spatial contexts, as well as the imagined audience in my analysis. I first conducted a quantitative analysis of the data by employing the Appraisal Framework developed by Martin and White. This framework is designed to recognise value positions encased in a text. It is based on Systemic Functional Linguistics and Bakhtin’s ideas on dialogic language. I.e. it views language as a semiotic system of inter-referential signs which is constructed in interaction. I applied the framework to the extent of Engagement. This category of the framework is specifically concerned with dialogic utterances. In the qualitative analysis, I applied several social scientific approaches and concepts related to questions of nation and national identity. In terms of dialogic language, the results displayed that over time May’s speeches began to contain less contractive utterances in which one would exclude other positions from the discourse. At the same time, there was an increase of expansive utterances in which one would allow other positions to seem plausible or neutral. In other words, May seemed to opt for a more conciliatory tone as Brexit visibly decelerated. When it comes to national identity, it would seem like a crucial concept for a state looking for less integrated international co-operation especially if pursuit of national sovereignty is presented as the main reason behind the endeavour. However, this study implies that May’s speeches did not offer elements which a new national identity could have been built upon. In the light of previous research on national identity, they would have evidently needed to contain more emotion-laden language.
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(2014)The Finnish forest industries are going through heavy adjustments as especially the western world is moving towards a more digitalized model where the amount of paper and pulp consumed is diminishing. It is obvious that the whole industry is in need for new solutions. These new solutions and innovations can be found from the field of bioenergy. Finland is rich with forest-based raw material which can provide a long-term and local source of energy. In the future this will be of primary importance as the prices of the non-renewable energy sources will climb higher as the deposits of the fossil fuels dry up. The usage of the renewable energy sources are also very important in order to prevent the global climate change and to achieve the goals regulated for Finland in the Kyoto Protocol and the European RES-E directive. This Master’s Thesis takes a look at the current state and the future trends of the Finnish wood pellet industries. The domestic wood-based pellet industries are studied with a concise literature review and a SWOT analysis based on the earlier literature. The analysis is linked to the future expectations and current retailer perspectives with a survey conducted between June and October 2013. The sample consists of 39 low, medium and high sales volume wood pellet manufacturers and retailers whom mostly do only domestic pellet trading business. Most of the strengths of the domestic wood-based pellet industries are related to different kinds of ecological aspects or different kinds of raw material related issues. In the future especially the prices of the raw materials, prices of other energy sources and prices of the end-product will be in a crucial role. Most of the survey participants underlined the significance of the governmental acts concerning the future of the whole business in Finland: a favorable taxing policy and different subsidies can make Finland truly a greener economy but this have not happened yet, much due to the unfavorable domestic politics. According to the survey respondents, in the future the demand of wood-based pellet services, especially tailored and ready-to-use services from maintenance to deliveries are going to increase.
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(2017)The incomplete global coverage of current emissions trading schemes has raised concerns about free-riding and carbon leakage. EU ETS, the first and currently the biggest carbon market, is at the fore of such fears. Carbon-based import tariffs have thereby been proposed to compensate domestic industries for the cost disadvantage against their rivals in non-regulating countries. This thesis uses an applied general equilibrium (AGE) model to assess the impacts of a hypothetical EU carbon tariff on the Finnish economy. The carbon content of imported goods is first estimated with an environmentally extended input-output analysis, and the tariff is levied according to the anticipated price of EU emission allowances. To examine the sensitivity of the results, five additional scenarios are then constructed by altering the key simulation parameters. The tariff is imposed on the most energy-intensive and trade-exposed industries in 2016 and simulated until 2030. The results suggest that carbon tariffs are detrimental to the Finnish economy. The negative outcome is determined by high material intensity and a growing dependence on imported materials throughout the industry sector. As a result, the tariff-induced increase in import prices adds up to a notable growth in total production costs. Moreover, the negative impact is most pronounced within the export-oriented heavy manufacturing sector that the tariff was designed to shelter in the first place. The few sectors that gain from the tariff were not directly subject to it, but utilize the secondary impacts as the economy adapts to the shock. The findings imply that due to the deeper integration of global value chains, the appeal of protective tariffs, even if environmentally motivated, can be harmfully over-simplistic.
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(2017)The incomplete global coverage of current emissions trading schemes has raised concerns about free-riding and carbon leakage. EU ETS, the first and currently the biggest carbon market, is at the fore of such fears. Carbon-based import tariffs have thereby been proposed to compensate domestic industries for the cost disadvantage against their rivals in non-regulating countries. This thesis uses an applied general equilibrium (AGE) model to assess the impacts of a hypothetical EU carbon tariff on the Finnish economy. The carbon content of imported goods is first estimated with an environmentally extended input-output analysis, and the tariff is levied according to the anticipated price of EU emission allowances. To examine the sensitivity of the results, five additional scenarios are then constructed by altering the key simulation parameters. The tariff is imposed on the most energy-intensive and trade-exposed industries in 2016 and simulated until 2030. The results suggest that carbon tariffs are detrimental to the Finnish economy. The negative outcome is determined by high material intensity and a growing dependence on imported materials throughout the industry sector. As a result, the tariff-induced increase in import prices adds up to a notable growth in total production costs. Moreover, the negative impact is most pronounced within the export-oriented heavy manufacturing sector that the tariff was designed to shelter in the first place. The few sectors that gain from the tariff were not directly subject to it, but utilize the secondary impacts as the economy adapts to the shock. The findings imply that due to the deeper integration of global value chains, the appeal of protective tariffs, even if environmentally motivated, can be harmfully over-simplistic.
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(2021)In the past decades, sanctions have become a vital part of the European Union’s (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To better understand decision-making within the CFSP, this work focuses on how the EU sanctions against Russia are upheld. It does so through the lens of the Netherlands and Finland, two small countries in the EU. The study concentrates on the way small countries participate in sanctions regimes, which is important due to the required unanimity for upholding sanctions. Both domestic dynamics for participating in sanctions as well as attitudes towards European cooperation are taken into account. By conducting a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA) on parliamentary debates in Finland and the Netherlands from 2016, the study compares the interests and focus of national politicians when sanctions are under discussion. The material consists of approximately 170 units of coding per country, which originate from around 15 debates throughout the year. The results offer new insight into some of the factors affecting decision-making of small states in sanctions. The data shows that the Netherlands has a stricter stance towards upholding sanctions on Russia, whereas Finnish politicians highlight the impact of sanctions on Finland. In general, both the Netherlands and Finland are in favour of upholding sanctions, but strongly differ domestically in the way they go about the sanctions. In conclusion, this study finds that small EU countries present themselves as strongly supporting EU unity when sanctions are in place. Nevertheless, these countries differ significantly in domestic preferences, meaning that they participate in sanctions regimes through different means.
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(2021)In the past decades, sanctions have become a vital part of the European Union’s (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To better understand decision-making within the CFSP, this work focuses on how the EU sanctions against Russia are upheld. It does so through the lens of the Netherlands and Finland, two small countries in the EU. The study concentrates on the way small countries participate in sanctions regimes, which is important due to the required unanimity for upholding sanctions. Both domestic dynamics for participating in sanctions as well as attitudes towards European cooperation are taken into account. By conducting a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA) on parliamentary debates in Finland and the Netherlands from 2016, the study compares the interests and focus of national politicians when sanctions are under discussion. The material consists of approximately 170 units of coding per country, which originate from around 15 debates throughout the year. The results offer new insight into some of the factors affecting decision-making of small states in sanctions. The data shows that the Netherlands has a stricter stance towards upholding sanctions on Russia, whereas Finnish politicians highlight the impact of sanctions on Finland. In general, both the Netherlands and Finland are in favour of upholding sanctions, but strongly differ domestically in the way they go about the sanctions. In conclusion, this study finds that small EU countries present themselves as strongly supporting EU unity when sanctions are in place. Nevertheless, these countries differ significantly in domestic preferences, meaning that they participate in sanctions regimes through different means.
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(2023)Den demokratiska legitimiteten i EU är ämne för ständig debatt. Hur man gör flernivåsystem legitima och ansvarsfulla är en av de centrala frågorna inom statskunskap idag (Black 2008). Flernivåsystem karaktäriseras av att staten inte är den enda aktören som erhåller auktoritet, och statens roll är förminskad. Sådana system präglas av fragmentering, komplexitet och ömsesidigt beroende mellan aktörer, där statliga och icke-statliga aktörer är samtidigt både tillsynsmyndigheter och reglerade av andra aktörer. En allmän EU-kritiskhet har vuxit fram bland folket i flera länder, och tilliten till unionens beslutsfattandeprocesser är fallande. Flera av de beslut som berör nationalstaterna och dess invånare fattas på EU-nivå, och därför är det viktigt att de processer som styr beslutsfattarna erhåller en stark legitimitet. Syftet med denna avhandling är att undersöka vilka mekanismer EU använder sig av för att legitimera dess beslutsfattandeprocesser. Det teoretiska ramverket består av en beskrivning av policyprocessen i EU samt teorier om flernivåstyrning och legitimitet. Legitimiteten i politiska system har många definitioner, och i denna avhandling är syftet att fokusera på institutionella aspekter av legitimitet, inte på den folkliga upplevelsen av beslutsfattarnas makt som legitim. Därmed bygger det teoretiska ramverket på litteratur som handlar om vilka mekanismer EU använder sig av för att legitimera själva processerna (throughput) och effektiviteten (output) av dess beslut. EU:s grundläggande “problem” är en svag input legitimitet, alltså måste en stor del av politiken legitimeras på output sidan. På basis av den existerande litteraturen kan man identifiera fyra legitimitetsmekanismer som EU använder sig av för att legitimera sin politik som förknippas med output legitimitet: ansvarighet, transparens, inkludering och öppenhet, samt effektivitet. Med de fyra mekanismerna från teoriavsnittet som utgångspunkt, har jag utfört en fallstudie med kvalitativ innehållsanalys av EU:s direktiv 2009/28/EG om främjande av användningen av energi från förnybara energikällor. Jag har även studerat implementeringen av direktivet i Finland, för att få en bild av hur mekanismerna tar sig i uttryck på nationalstatlig nivå jämfört med EU. Metoden är passande för en sådan här undersökning, då syftet är att söka efter meningsbärande enheter i ett dokument för att testa ifall innehållet överensstämmer med det som teorin förespråkar. Resultaten antyder att alla fyra mekanismer finns i någon form i det valda direktivet. Såsom förväntat har vissa mekanismer en starkare närvaro än andra, men i sin helhet finns alla representerade. Effektiviteten syntes mest i förhållande till implementeringen på den nationella nivån. I utformandet av direktivet har man använt sig av många olika legitimeringsmekanismer, som ger direktivet demokratisk legitimitet och trovärdighet. Man kunde även särskilja mellan mjuka och hårda styrmekanismer i direktivet. Undersökningen kan anses vara något bristfällig i och med att jag endast haft möjlighet att undersöka vad som sägs i själva direktivet, inte det som skett medan direktivet har utformats, vem som varit delaktig o.s.v. Vidare kunde analysen ha blivit bättre ifall jag hade intervjuat någon som arbetat med EU:s processer. Vad gäller generaliserbarheten och validiteten av resultaten vågar jag dock påstå att man kan härleda vissa saker om legitimiteten i EU direktiv på basis av denna undersökning. I och med att de fyra legitimitetsmekanismerna har en stark teoretisk förankring finns det en stor sannolikhet att man skulle hitta samma eller liknande mekanismer i något annat EU direktiv eller en annan process. Slutligen kan konstateras att det finns utrymme för fortsatt forskning inom ämnet.
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(2023)Europeiska Unionens finanspolitik har undergått reform efter finanskrisen och den europeiska planeringsterminen infördes år 2011. Målet var att öka koordination mellan medlemsstaternas budgetprocesser och att den Europeiska Unionens institutioner skulle ha mer möjligheter att granska och kontrollera medlemsstaternas budgeter. Det antas att nationella parlaments deltagande är viktigt för att försäkra demokratisk legitimitet. Tidigare forskning har identifierat problem med nationella parlaments deltagande och skillnader mellan nationella parlament. Denna avhandling bidrar till diskussionen om nationella parlamentens roll i den europeiska planeringsterminen. Avhandlingens syfte är att identifiera hur den årliga budgetcykeln i den europeiska planeringsterminen påverkar nationella parlament och vilka skillnader det finns mellan länderna. För att få en djupare förståelse för hur institutionell design och ländernas ekonomiska situation är kopplat till parlamentens kapacitet genomförs en jämförande analys på Finland, Tyskland och Irland. Tidsramen för analysen är den senaste fleråriga budgetramperioden från 2014-2020. Analysen fokuserar på hur nationella parlamenten deltar i specifika etapper i den årliga budgetcykeln, där det anses att parlamentens deltagande har betydelse. I de centrala forskningsresultaten identifieras nationella parlamentens roll i den europeiska planeringsterminen och hur den kan begränsa nationella parlaments kapaciteter. Problem med bland annat tidsbrist och processens komplexitet lyfts fram i analysen. Resultaten visar att det finns skillnader mellan länderna. Det konstateras att varken Finland, Tyskland eller Irland har infört nya mekanismer för att granska planeringsterminen. Finland har traditionellt ett starkt parlament i både budget- och EU-ärenden och har inkluderat granskning av dokument relaterade till planeringsterminen i nationella budgetcyklar. Finland har haft en stor grad av deltagande jämfört med andra parlament. Tysklands parlament har även en stark roll i EU-ärenden vilket gör att de har möjligheter för deltagande i planeringsterminen, men analysen visar att nationella intressen kan leda till ovillighet att följa vägledning av den Europeiska Unionen. Irland har ett parlament med svag makt i nationell budgetering vilket begränsar deras möjligheter för deltagande i den europeiska planeringsterminen.
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