Browsing by Subject "France"

The objective of the study was to shed light on the Chinese soft power in France, and, in particular, on such a political tool as panda diplomacy. In the following thesis I am answering the research questions of the role the soft power is playing in the Chinese foreign policy aimed at France, what is its image in the news outlets and among readers of those articles, and how and when panda diplomacy is carried out. As the following thesis deals with the role of Chinese soft power in France, the information about the emergence and meaning of the term “soft power” is provided to the reader for a better understanding of the content. Moreover, the theoretical background of the concept of panda diplomacy itself, the development of the concept of “soft power” in China, the France-China Relationship, and the position of Chinese soft power in the world are presented in the paper. For the research, the articles and readers’ comments retrieved from 3 different politically orientated news outlets (Le Monde, France 24, and Le Figaro) were used. A total of 15 newspaper articles and 286 readers’ comments were analyzed. This Master thesis presents the research findings primarily based on the content analysis of reader comments and newspaper articles. The first finding is that soft power and panda diplomacy, as a tool, plays an important role to signify the positive China-France relationship and economic achievements between the two countries. Secondly, panda diplomacy has a controversial image in the French news outlets. Some news outlets are positively evaluating the practice, while others doubt it. The readers are mostly putting in negative comments accusing authorities of the unnecessary expenses of money for pandas. Lastly, Panda diplomacy is carried out to celebrate the economic achievements of its partner country. In France, according to the articles, the rental contracts of pandas were signed following the successful deals and supported by the government, Zoo facilities, foundations, and sponsors.

This thesis examines French political debates related to the founding of the League of Nations in the years 1917-1919 and the political and ideological reasons that led to the oblivion of the French juridical internationalist model for the League. When the League of Nations was created in the Paris Peace Conference that followed the end of World War I, the French delegation presented a model for the League that was based on a specific French current of internationalism (juridical internationalism) largely forgotten today. It was opposed both to the Anglo-American view presented by American President Woodrow Wilson and the British delegation and the view of French Premier Clemenceau. In order to recover the intentions of the participants to the political discussions, this thesis employs Quentin Skinner’s methodological reflections on the history of ideas. The source material consists of the minutes of the French National Assembly, the Senate and the Paris Peace Conference as well as the notes of the most prominent advocate of juridical internationalism, Léon Bourgeois. These records are studied by situating them in their historical context and in relation to relevant intellectual traditions and ongoing political discussions. The formulation of the French policy is explored in three different contexts that capture the national and international levels of discussion: the French parliament, the French Interministerial Commission on the League of Nations and the Paris Peace Conference. The studies of Peter Jackson (2013) and Scott G. Blair (1992) on the French League of Nations policy constitute the main works of secondary literature. The theoretical framework of this study relies on the English School’s pluralistic approach to international relations. Different conceptions of the League of Nations are examined using the concepts of realism and idealism in international relations theory. These concepts help demonstrate the differences and similarities between juridical internationalism, Wilsonian idealism and traditional realist power politics. Historiography of the Paris Peace Conference has often presented the situation as a confrontation between traditional balance of power politics and Wilsonian idealism, but the juridical internationalist conception of the new world order was actually something between these two. By analysing this French current of internationalism through the concepts of realism and idealism, this thesis demonstrates that juridical internationalism represented a third way between the two traditional paradigms that combined elements of both. The juridical internationalists envisaged a League of Nations based on the codification of international law and equipped with a permanent tribunal and powerful systems of legal, economic, diplomatic and military sanctions enforced by an international army and a permanent command structure. This thesis puts forward the interpretation that the merits of this conception of the League were not properly appreciated during the Paris Peace Conference because it was overshadowed by the diplomatic and political calculations of Wilson and Clemenceau. Later, the juridical internationalist model has been disregarded as a result of being misunderstood as idealism and linked to the negative connotations the term carries. In reality, this model combined elements of realism and idealism similar to the rationalist and solidarist inclinations of the English School.

This thesis investigates the compatibility of the French, Republican values and Islam as portrayed in the Charter of the Republican Values (La Charte des principes pour l’islam de France). It asks the question of whether there is, according to the Charter, a fundamental incompatibility between the two or whether the two can coexist in a person’s identity. The aim is to discover which types of discourse relating to Islam’s place in the French society this Charter furthers. The Charter of the Republican Values is a charter written by the French Council of the Muslim Faith (CFCM) and commissioned by the French government. The Charter was published in January 2021, and thus offers a new angle into the research on Islam in France. It is document consisting of ten articles which touch upon subjects such as foreign influence, laïcité, equality, and education. With the use of Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) the Charter is analyzed on multiple levels to determine its place in the larger, societal picture. All discourse is affected by power structures, which subsequently affect the social order. CDA’s aim is to analyze the material in question to find out how it fits into the discourse and which types of power structures it is a) affected by and b) it furthers. The authors of the Charter of the Republican Values clearly state that the Republican values and Islam are compatible. However, upon further analysis and the application of CDA it becomes clear that this is the case with islam de France, a specific version of Islam that the French government deems appropriate for the French context. Thus, the Charter furthers the belief that there are “good” and “bad” Muslims and acceptable and non-acceptable versions of Islam, and further divides the nation. It also clearly demonstrates the hegemony of the core French values which date back to the French Revolution. Finally, it furthers the belief of Islamic exceptionalism and legitimizes treating Islam differently than other religions in the French context.

Tiivistelmä Tiedekunta: Faculté des sciences humaines Koulutusohjelma: Département des langues Opintosuunta: Langue et culture françaises Tekijä: Sirkku Parviainen Työn nimi: La comparaison de l’aspect idéologique des programmes d’enseignement respectifs de la France et de la Finlande Työn laji: Mémoire de master de langue française Kuukausi ja vuosi: 5/23 Sivumäärä: 41 Avainsanat: idéologie, politique, valeurs culturelles, programmes d'enseigement, compétences polyvalentes, France, Finlande, Stratégie Europe 2020, analyse de discours, analyse de contenu, rhétorique, représentations, théorie de Hosftede sur le multiculturalisme Ohjaaja tai ohjaajat: Mervi Helkkula Säilytyspaikka: Université de Helsinki Muita tietoja: Tiivistelmä: Dans cette étude nous comparons des aspects idéologiques des programmes d'enseignement respectifs de la France et de la Finlande. Nous y étudions en particulier les compétences polyvalentes. Comme objectif, nous souhaitons trouver des explications des différences culturelles entre les deux pays. Nous souhaitons approfondir la compréhension des cultures scolaires et des sociétés française et finlandaise en examinant les socles (des primaires) des deux pays. Cette étude s’inscrit dans l’approche de l´analyse de discours et de l’analyse de contenu. Les notions théoriques se situent dans la rhétorique. Il s'agit d'une étude de cas qualitative. Nous avons pu constater lors de l’examen des deux programmes d’enseignement que les points différents cruciaux demeurent : dans celui de la France dans l’appui fondamental sur les valeurs de la République c’est-à-dire : la liberté, l’égalité, la fraternité, la démocratie, la laïcité et la citoyenneté (selon la Constitution). Nous pouvons également apercevoir que la rhétorique concernant le développement du citoyen y est plutôt inspirée par la curiosité, l’observation (historique, géographique at artistique) et par le respect des choix individuels liés aux choix sociaux. Tandis que dans celui de la Finlande les aspirations globales – notamment celles du néo-libéralisme et des exigences du monde du travail (21st century skills) – sont plus présentes. Également, les thèmes du bien-être et de la sécurité scolaire sont plus explicites dans le programme finlandais. D´après la théorie de Hofstede sur le multiculturalisme, les deux cultures semblent plutôt être proches, selon les cinq dimensions : 1) la distance du pouvoir, 2) l’individualisme versus la communauté, 3) la masculinité versus la féminité, 4) l’omission de l´insécurité versus la tolérance de l´insécurité et 5) l’orientation du temps. Malgré les différences de la rhétorique dans les deux programmes d’enseignement, les deux cultures ne semblent pas être tant différentes, selon la théorie de Hofstede. La Stratégie Europe 2020 de l’Union Européenne contient les même valeurs et objectifs alignés avec les « 21 st century skills » et influence ainsi les contenus des deux programmes d'enseignement en les unifiant. Pour conclure, malgré les différences dans la rhétorique des programmes, les contenus des programmes semblent être plutôt semblables et ainsi ne peuvent pas donner d'explications des différences culturelles en soi.

Cette étude examine l’ethos discursif du Président de la République française Emmanuel Macron dans ses discours donnés pendant la pandémie du coronavirus. L’objectif de l’étude est d’identifier différents types d’ethos manifestant dans les discours et de savoir si l’ethos du Président Macron évolue pendant la pandémie. De plus, les procédés énonciatifs qui participent à la construction de l’ethos sont analysés. Le corpus de l’étude se compose de neuf discours télévisés de Macron dont six ont été prononcés en 2020 et trois en 2021. Au total, la durée des discours est de 3 heures et 40 minutes. L’étude est à la fois quantitative et qualitative. Les ethé de crédibilité et d’identification ainsi que les procédés énonciatifs, c’est-à-dire les pronoms personnels, adverbes et adjectifs, sont analysés pour examiner l’ethos de Macron. L’analyse montre que trois ethè de crédibilité, c’est-à-dire l’ethos de sérieux, l’ethos de vertu et l’ethos de compétence, se manifestent dans les discours de Macron. De plus, trois ethè d’identification y apparaissent, à savoir l’ethos d’humanité, l’ethos de solidarité et l’ethos de chef. Selon les résultats, l’ethos se construit par trois procédés énonciatifs, à savoir l’énonciation élocutive (les pronoms je et nous, les adverbes et les adjectifs), allocutive (le pronom vous et la dénomination « mes chers compatriotes ») et délocutive (par exemple « il est important ») ; la dernière est le moins utilisée. Le corpus étudié contient au total 399 occurrences de l’ethos. L’étude montre qu’il y a des différences dans la fréquence des ethè. L’ethos d’identification représente 62 % des occurrences, alors que l’ethos de crédibilité représente 38 %. Les résultats montrent également que l’ethos de Macron évolue pendant la pandémie. Les ethè de crédibilité deviennent moins fréquents pendant la pandémie. En revanche, les ethè d’identification deviennent plus fréquents dans les derniers discours, particulièrement l’ethos de solidarité. De plus, l’ethos d’humanité de Macron se diversifie pendant la pandémie. Les résultats montrent qu’il existe une relation entre les procédés énonciatifs et certains ethè. Même si l’énonciation élocutive est le procédé le plus fréquent dans le corpus étudié, nous inclusif est particulièrement fréquent dans les ethè d’identification. Les adverbes et les adjectifs manifestant la subjectivité de Macron se trouvent surtout dans les ethè de vertu et d’humanité. L’énonciation allocutive, à son tour, est la plus dominante dans les ethè de vertu et de chef. Dans son ensemble, l’étude montre que l’ethos d’une personne politique est une ressource importante, multidimensionnelle et susceptible au changement qui s’utilise pour gérer une crise sociétale.

Contemporary social movement leadership is a debated topic among social movement scholars. The social movements that organize action partly on digital platforms are often considered as leaderless and horizontal. However, recent research has revealed power dynamics and informal leadership within these movements. The scope of this master’s thesis is to build understanding of this informal leadership that concerns different levels and layers in the online and offline contexts. As a case study, the master’s thesis examines the yellow vests movement in France and seeks to discover what kind of similarities and differences emerge when comparing the dynamics of the yellow vests movement to other contemporary social movements. The research method was digital media ethnography that enabled efficient tracing of the phenomenon in different digital media platforms. The fieldwork that lasted for over a year concentrated on key Facebook accounts and French and English digital news media. Three key events emerging from the social media accounts were analyzed more closely to understand the dynamics of the yellow vests movement. The research findings reveal informal leadership within the yellow vests movement in France. This result supports recent research concerning the dynamics of contemporary social movements. However, informal leadership of the yellow vests movement is visible and thus differs from the leadership of anonymous social media administrators. Visibility enables new personalized communication tactics that are applied to strengthen emotional togetherness in the movement. The informal leadership of the yellow vests movement is also distributed between key figures and other participants in the movement network, highlighting collective action. Based on the research observations, it can be argued that the structure of the yellow vests movement is not horizontal, but key figures of the movement operate as central points or hubs in the network. Thus, it can be argued that the contribution and determination of the prominent figures in different contexts lay the foundation for the longevity of the yellow vests movement in France. The results indicate that informal leadership cannot be ignored in the research of contemporary social movements. Based on the findings, it is suggested that future research should concentrate more closely on how informal leadership is channeled in various ways to achieve the goals of the movement.