Browsing by Subject "Mexico"

With a land tenure structure dating back to the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Mexico is second only to Papua New Guinea in proportion of forest land under community ownership. While many communities have successfully formed community forestry enterprises (CFEs) producing value-added goods and generating income and social benefits for community members, many more remain minimally involved with forest management or do not harvest timber. As such, this study sought to collect and analyze the opinions and experiences of groups and individuals involved in the forest sector, with the aim of providing a greater understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the Mexican forestry model, the most important factors facilitating or undermining the development of CFEs, and opportunities for the advancement of community forestry in the future. This study is based on semi-structured stakeholder interviews which were conducted in four states with members of both harvesting and non-harvesting communities, members of Mexico's National Forestry Commission (CONAFOR) and Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT), various experts with ties to the forest sector, and foresters serving the communities interviewed. The results indicate that communities face a number of significant developmental challenges. Community organization was found to be an essential internal factor, and successful CFEs have in common a strong internal cohesion and collective decision making capacity, while failure is often linked to indecision, internal divisions, or corruption. Will and ability to invest in the CFE are also crucial, and sources suggested that communities are often impeded by their lack of 'entrepreneurial mentality' when it comes to investment. For those that are interested in investing in the CFE, lack of available capital is often problematic. In part because of these challenges the Mexican forest sector relies largely on obsolete practices and technology, resulting in elevated costs of production relative to foreign competitors, and foreign competition has taken a toll on the industry in Mexico. In some areas declining industrial consumption has made it more difficult for communities to find buyers for forest products and may limit future production potential. The quality of technical services available to the communities is another factor that is both critical and inconsistent, and the important role of private foresters in aiding CFE development was emphasized by a number of sources. Government intervention has also had an important impact on the sector and CONAFOR has played a key role in its development in recent years. On the other hand, forestry is a heavily regulated activity and there appears to be a consensus that regulations could or should be simplified. It was also suggested that government agencies may not have the resources to process the paperwork they demand in a timely manner. Overall, community forestry in Mexico represents an important and environmentally sustainable source of rural livelihoods, and a great deal of potential remains for the expansion of the sector. While some challenges facing CFEs may not have clear solutions, there are some steps that could be taken to improve conditions in the future. Technological advance will be critical if Mexico is to compete on international markets, and there is work to be done both in terms of finance and in promoting 'business mentalities' and investment. Likewise, a thriving forest industry may require strong policy support from the federal government and efforts to ensure that technical services available to communities are adequate. Finally, it will be important to evaluate the regulatory balance between environmental protection and development of the sector moving forward, to create conditions that are both sustainable and conducive to growth.

I study the conflict between the state and the social movement in Oaxaca, Mexico since 2006. The recent phase is the resistance to the national educational reform. My research question is: what are the main issues to advance and views of the Indigenous teachers and citizens on the grassroot level in the Oaxacan social movement and in its conflict with the Mexican state? My method is an Indigenous collaborative method, which is holistic and relational and includes dialogue. My research results consist of three thematic findings. I conducted semi-structured collaborative ethnographic interviews in 2013 and 2016 with fourteen people, 8 men and 6 women, 9 of whom were teachers, all from one of the following Indigenous cultures: Zapotec, Mazatec, Mixe, Afro Mexican and Mixtec. Within the Indigenous discourse emphasis is on the non-fragmented, holistic nature, the metaphysical and pragmatic, language, place, values, and relationships. Indigenous pedagogies are intergenerational, relational and land based. Schools should offer differentiated educational plans in the bioregions and should care for the interdependence between language, culture, and territory, and consider multispecies thinking. The first thematic finding was that the Oaxacan teachers have the special knowledge needed: concerning environmental issues, Indigenous epistemology, pedagogies, and learning systems, all in the Sección 22 proposed land-based PTEO -educational reform plan. The second important theme was the cultural changes in Oaxaca connected to the Guelaguetza Popular making it an Indigenous celebration and the Indigenous women’s empowerment in the context of taking over the Canal 9 TV station. The third finding is that the teachers and other actors in the social movement have a strong social commitment, which is the optimal goal for a teacher to have. But there cannot be reciprocal cooperation if the governments of Oaxaca and Mexico do not start respecting the national and international law, especially concerning the human rights.

Women's international migration without documents is a social phenomenon with large global significance. It is also an everyday reality in which people search for concrete solutions to global problems. In this study my aim is to bring this reality forward through the experiences of 26 Latin-American women who have failed either in their attempt to travel through Mexico to the United States without the necessary documents, or in their attempt to live and work in Mexico without a permit, and were thereby held inside the detention centre in Mexico City while waiting to be deported. This study aims at listening to what they have to say. As a writer, I start by examining international migration as a social and societal phenomenon. I move forward to the concrete experiences of the women inside the walls of the detention centre. Women's experiences are then mirrored back to studies and theories on international migration and to the general discussion around the phenomenon. The study concentrates in women's international migration on the move and, at the same time, in the moment of detention. This moment has not been examined or explored in most of the investigation on international migration. Through women's experiences I also wish to grasp a glimpse of the clienthood formed inside the overcrowded detention centres for migrants in the borders of the world's rich and poor. Mexico is situated at this type of a border and is thereby an interesting place to study international migration. Women's interviews were semi-structured. The analysis reflects the premises of standpoint theory, which concentrates on the knowledge and subjectivity of the everyday actor. At times the interviews reflected previous investigations, but different aspects of the discussion were also challenged, such as presentations of the women in undocumented migration as victims, 'illegals' or criminals. Women had left their countries in order to find work and in doing so also challenged investigations that see men as sole or primary actors in migration. Migration was often represented as a sacrifice for the future of the family and, specifically, for that of their children, thus leaving any personal goals in the background. Separation from the children produced feelings of guilt. In general, women's networks for migration were limited. Loss of freedom, loss of control over one's situation, loss of individuality and time that seemed endless stood out as difficult aspects inside the detention centre. Lack of official documents and status led to conflicts between the individual and the surrounding society. Women expressed disappointment and desperation because of the failed attempt, but also a new strength achieved through this ordeal. Many stated that they were going to try again. In the study theories and studies on international migration, social work studies, gender studies and Latin American studies intervene. Interviews with different grass root actors involved in the work inside the migration centre are also used as references.

This thesis studies the discourses of power and anti-violence activism related to feminicides in Mexico. Feminicides are defined as killings of women because of their gender. Although feminicides have existed throughout the history of Mexico, the issue became a focus of attention among the masses nearly 30 years ago because of the wave of violence in Ciudad Juárez. Today, according to the official data of the State, three women are victims of feminicides in Mexico daily. However, the number is most likely substantially higher given the underreporting of feminicides and that some states still do not distinguish them as separate crimes from homicides. It is estimated that approximately ten women are killed as victims of feminicides in Mexico every day. The theoretical framework for this study is rooted in the Foucauldian scholarship of power. More precisely, Michel Foucault’s theory of power as relational or productive and the idea of power being everywhere but nowhere, in particular, imposes the principal understanding of how violence is implicated in multiple structures of power relations. The study was conducted in the form of semi-structured interviews, with data being gathered by interviewing six feminist activists who are working against feminicides in Mexico. After this, the interviews were analysed with methods of discourse analysis. The study finds the total of five main discourses with their sub-discourses: 1. Structures (Patriarchal culture and Deficient understanding), 2. The State (Politics and Impunity), 3. Truth (Bending truth and Clash of genders) 4. Pervasive violence, and 5. Women’s networks. The results of the analysis suggest that the power related to violence against women comes indeed from everywhere: power comes from structures of the society, from education, from the State and the law (and impunity), from the truth (or what we accept as truth), from non-State agents such as criminal organisations and women themselves. They are all connected so that even criminal organisations and politicians are interweaved in the same network of power, and in the case of Mexico, not even very far from each other. Women themselves exercise power through relations, networks and cooperation and this is the dimension of power that women consider their most important asset. To keep themselves secure in a potentially hostile environment, activist women maintain a set of safety rules and regulations that they follow in their everyday lives. In conclusion, power influencing violence against women is located deep in the patriarchal structures and practices in Mexico. This is why it is challenging to tackle the problem of continuing gendered violence in Mexico: it does not have any centre. This means that also globalised networks of organised crime, as well as the overall patriarchal culture, influence on discourses that power and gender-based violence are given. Also, it is noteworthy that power should not be considered only oppressive or dominating as that interpretation would give women only the role of passive victims. Women also possess power that they exercise through social relations and collective activist networks. In sum, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of feminicides and violence against women in Mexico. Furthermore, through the unique interview data, the results collect valuable information on all the main challenges that are hampering the activists’ work against violence.