Browsing by Subject "Pakistan"
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(2012)This thesis examines the paradox between democracy and security in Pakistan outlining six factors contributing to the paradox, i.e. historical developments; different definitions of democracy among the different political actors in Pakistan; economic developments; lack of education; power play among the government, the army, Inter Services Intelligence, judicial system, political parties, warring tribes and different religious and ethnic sects in Pakistan; and elite governance. The thesis also examines how these factors affect the development of democracy in Pakistan with the main argument that the Western style of democracy neither fully exists nor it works in Pakistan in the current circumstances, especially due to historical patterns and an obsession with the external security. The thesis uses secondary sources including books, journal articles, country reports, commentaries in addition to first-hand information based on the author’s personal experiences in 2010-2011 in Pakistan. The main theories used in the thesis are delegative democracy by Guillermo O’Donnell and elite governance theory by Duncan McCargo, which combined explain the historical developments leading to the paradox as well as the election dynamics and elite dominance prevailing in Pakistan. Throughout its history, Pakistan has been mostly ruled by military regimes, with only four stints of civilian rule which have all ended either in corruption charges or in military take over. The military regimes have been characterised by a strong support from the USA and an increased economic growth and stability, whereas civilian rules have been laden with instability, corruption and mostly poor relations with other countries. This constitutes the background for the paradox, which is majorly upheld by the security-political predicament to find an equalizer against India, which has been a paramount concern for any policy maker since the independence. In addition, this paradox is being upheld by the constant power play among the political actors and the long-standing elite dominance whereby the elites are more interested in retaining their own power instead of focusing on the interests of the masses. With masses being uneducated and mostly concerned about their own survival, the general public as well as the elites, have preferred the military rule as it brings about more stability and economic growth. Therefore, with the current circumstances the future of democracy in Pakistan seems bleak, as the factors constituting a liberal democracy are not fulfilled in Pakistan with partly free judicial, partly free press, rampant corruption, immense human rights violations, especially in terms of the fight against terrorism, with a history of election rigging and interference from the army and Inter Services Intelligence during civilian rules.
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(2022)Violence against women is a deep-rooted global injustice, yet it is less often scrutinized as a category of political economy. In this research relating to human rights advocacy in Pakistan, I seek to do so. I study the ways in which local women's rights organizations attempt to hold state to account for eliminating the malice and removing its structural causes. In particular, I examine how feminist constructions of VAW and advocacy practices towards curbing it take part in the politics of development. The research is based on fieldwork which I conducted in the mid-2010's in urban Pakistan. Interviews with 17 informants representing 12 women's rights groups, NGOs and government agencies constitute the primary data. I use ethnographic lens in mapping the organizational field, yet my main deconstructive method is critical discourse analysis. The research is underpinned by post-development theory, postcolonial feminist critique, anthropology of modernity and feminist violence research. The findings consist of three discourses and two developmental logics. Each discourse explains VAW as an issue of individual infringement of rights and a question of state structures with a distinct orientation – those of gender equity, legal protection and political reform. The discourses are rooted in 'human rights developmentalism' and neoliberalism, yet they are still locally contingent in varied ways. The developmental logics of 'saviorism in solidarity' and 'commonsense hope' render visible ways in which the organizations deploy civilisation narrative and an unquestioned hope in aid's capacity to deliver 'development' as political resources. I argue that the discourses construct VAW by reference to apolitical notions of 'backwardness' not only to justify organizational advocacy practices that center upon delivering "higher awareness and morals" to the "ignorant masses". Instead, such notions contribute to building a counter discourse to the misogynous state ideology as well as an alternative political space that enables women's rights organizations persevere in Pakistan. While the discourses fail the 'beneficiaries' of aid by upholding empty developmentalist promises, they nevertheless do not exacerbate VAW. The research suggests that development ideologies, albeit contributing to global inequalities, may serve as meaningful political tools for undoing local adversities.
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