Browsing by Subject "Russia"

The 2010s have witnessed increasing political and public concern over child and family-related issues in Russia, with child welfare and family policy being elevated to the top of the state’s political agenda. The Russian conservative government has prioritised the protection of traditional family values and family as the mainstay of Russian society and thereupon introduced major policy and welfare reform programmes, one of which works towards deinstitutionalising the country’s entire child welfare system. Building upon the idea of every child’s right to a family, this child welfare reform aims at dismantling the existing system of institutional care for children, replacing placements in institutions with community and home-based, family-like forms of alternative care, including foster care. Service provider responsibilities are hence, being transferred from the state to private and third sector stakeholders operating in the field of child and family welfare. Among these agents providing alternative care are the so-called Children’s Villages. These Villages, as the name suggests, are largely NGO-run communities of foster families, caring for children left without parental care in a non-institutional setting. This thesis takes a range of Russian Children’s Villages as its case study in an attempt to investigate foster parents’ perceptions of parenting and thus shed light on the present-day development of the alternative care system in Russia. The aim is to bridge together bottom-up narratives and top-down political ideology via qualitative analysis of micro-level constructions of parenthood and government-promoted ideas on family. The ongoing process of deinstitutionalisation of child welfare in Russia provides the larger political context for our inquiry that fosters a social constructionist approach and, through thematic content analysis, seeks to answer the following research questions: How do foster parents perceive parenthood/parenting in the context of Russian Children’s Villages? How do their perceptions intersect with government-promoted ideas on family? The primary data consist of focus group and expert interviews with foster parents and child welfare professionals conducted on site in six Children’s Villages in Russia in 2017. The altogether nine interviews, with a total of 58 respondents have been conducted by two other researchers in the ‘A Child’s Right to a Family: Deinstitutionalisation of Child Welfare in Putin’s Russia’ research project that our thesis is also part of. Our findings suggest that parenting takes multiple, concurrent and reciprocal forms, whereby it is largely a cyclical process and a jointly constructed and negotiated experience in the social context of the Children’s Villages. The Villages and the individuals therein are not merely care deliverers assuming service provision responsibilities from the public sector, but they carry considerable innovate potential and valuable ideas on family and parenting vis-à-vis the desired development of systems of alternative care in today’s Russia. Yet, the political arena in Russia remains ambivalent, enabling and coercive at the same time, introducing policies that are often either contradictory or incompatible. Alongside ambitious liberal tendencies and reformist programmes we may observe illiberal and restrictive political and legislative processes that undermine the sustainable fruition of the more progressive reforms amid structures that hold onto authoritarian traditions. While the traditional value base of the conservative government fails to fully embrace the plurality of family systems in modern Russia, the family structures in the Children’s Villages demonstrate that family diversity is very much a contemporary reality in Russian society – and foster families one of its emerging forms.

The increasing recognition of eco-friendly packaging in the packaging industry makes paperboard one of the most promising green packaging materials. The global demand for paperboard has increased rapidly in the past two decades. The purposes of the study are: firstly, to provide an overview of the consumption, production, imports and exports of paperboard products in different regions worldwide between 1992 and 2010. Secondly, as the Finnish paperboard industry has been highly export-oriented, the study also aims to provide quantitative analysis of the main determinants influencing the demand for Finnish paperboard exports in its main destinations-Germany and Russia by applying economic models from the first quarter of 1995 to the third quarter of 2011. Finally, trends projection for the future development of Finnish paperboard is presented based on results of analysis. The research is both descriptive and explanatory based on secondary data collected from various databases. The regional analysis of paperboard market from 1992 to 2010 revealed that North America and Western Europe’s paperboard production exceeded the consumption, where Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America’s consumption exceeded the production. The consumption and production growth was extremely fast in Asia and it has been the largest consumer and producer of paperboard products since 2000s. Western Europe has been the largest exporter and importer throughout the years. The empirical modeling of Finnish paperboard export demand showed that the export demand for Finnish paperboard in Germany was highly affected by the total paperboard imports of Germany and its GDP. It also has high sensitivity to the income changes of Germany in long term, but the price effect was not significant. The export demand for Finnish paperboard in Russia has low income elasticity and the price effect was statistically significant. Oil price has also significant influence on Finnish paperboard export demand to Russia. According to the linear trends projection for Finnish paperboard market to 2020, the consumption and imports will grow very slowly or even stagnate, but the production and exports will continuously increase at a faster pace.

This thesis analyses the development of Danish foreign and security policy towards the Arctic ever since the end of the Second World War up until today. It draws primarily on Denmark’s relation to the United States, having been Denmark’s main ally for the last 75 years on all security related matters - but especially since the end of the Cold War. Both Denmark and the US are considered Arctic coastal states, with Denmark accessing the Arctic ocean through its sovereign claim over Greenland, and the US through the state of Alaska. The thesis supports other scholarly studies that argue that a ‘new Cold War’ has been taking place in the years following the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States in 2016 between the US, China and Russia, with potentially grave ramifications for Arctic regional security, given its growing importance as a region for resource extraction and commercial passage through the Northern Sea Route. For Denmark, this new Cold War threatens its sovereign claim over Greenland – a crucial geostrategic location for a potential Arctic militarization - being challenged as a small nation by the great power competitions accelerating in the Arctic. The thesis divides the last 75 years into three categorized eras: 1) The Cold War (1945-1991); 2) The post-Cold War era (1991-2017); 3) The ‘new Cold War’ as a developing era (2017 - ; denoted in the thesis), and analyses for each era the fundamentals of Denmark – US relations, first providing a more general overview of their political relations as security partners on non-Arctic related matters, in order to then draw parallels to the development of Denmark – US relations in the Arctic and their roles as state actors in shaping the geopolitical climate of the region. As I show, a lot can be learned from the Cold War to understand what is and may happen in the Arctic in the new Cold War. The thesis makes use of foreign policy analysis, as well as two variations of discourse analysis – poststructuralist discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis – as tools to engage with the empirical data available and answer the thesis’s main research questions: what is the perceived effect of the Trump administration's policy to the position of Denmark in the Arctic? The question is answered on the basis of two main theoretical frameworks: Securitization Theory and Region-Building Theory. These frameworks build the necessary foundation which along with the mentioned methodologies can provide a holistic overview and perspective on the matter with scientific validity. The thesis ends by discussing what can be expected in the near future, based on the knowledge acquired and the answers provided to the research question. A new administration led by president elect Joe Biden took over the White House on January 20st, and with it many new questions are yet to be answered, regarding the future of Denmark – US relations, the future of Arctic governance and the course of the new Cold War. I ponder on what options Denmark might have that could guarantee its security while also maintaining its sovereignty over Greenland – one option being a potential turn towards the EU as its new main security partner. Yet doing so would mean breaking a long-lasting relationship with the US while standing up to the world’s biggest economic and military superpower.

The thesis focuses on the process of large-scale privatization in Russia and Kazakhstan in the 1990s, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The main research problem was finding the structural similarities that two countries shared before and during the implementation of the economic reforms and, also, the differences that defined the divergence of the political and economic trajectories already in the second half of the 1990s. The main method used in the thesis is a comparative analysis based on David Kang´s analytical framework described in his book ‘Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines’ (Cambridge University Press, 2002). The focus of the analysis is the balance of power between the government and the private sector as one of the main determinants of economic development. The conclusion of our work is that the large-scale privatization that was supposed to be democratic and distributive ended up enriching a small group of beneficiaries in both Russia in Kazakhstan but because of completely different reasons. Kazakhstani regime very early transformed into the predatory state where the political elite, consolidated around a strong figure of the president, could successfully take advantage of the private sector. Whereas, in Russia, stronger political polarization led to the rise of the powerful economic groups and actors (the ‘oligarchs’) that had a say in the key political decisions during the 1990s. Thus, portraying just one group of actors (whether the oligarchs or the corrupt government) as responsible for the ‘failure’ of large-scale privatization is too simplistic. The dynamics between the government and the private businesses as the system constraint was much more important.

Faculty: Master’s Degree Program in Russian Studies (MARS) Carter Boone, MA Student Master’s Thesis May 2022 Number of pages: 57 Keywords: Canada, Russia, Arctic Exceptionalism, Great Power Competition Supervisor: Veli-Pekka Tynkkynen Helsinki University Library Abstract: Canada and Russia have a long history of cooperation in the Arctic region. The two see themselves as Arctic great powers responsible for agenda setting and institution building in the region. This long history of cooperation has fueled the perception of the Arctic as an exceptional zone of peace where often competing powers shield the region from extra-regional conflict in favour of cooperation in science, technology, climate change, and business-to-business linkages. The notion of the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation has been termed “Arctic Exceptionalism”. This concept is based on several central tenets including the longstanding lack of interest in the region, the sufficient existing institutional framework for mitigating conflict, the enduring preference of the Arctic 8 states for cooperation in the region, and the overarching desire to foster a fruitful investment climate in the Arctic. Historical analysis of the Canada-Russia Arctic relationship does support the argument of Arctic Exceptionalism, but the resilience of Arctic Exceptionalism moving forward is less certain. The rise of Great Power Competition between the United States, China, and Russia has the potential to upset the existing balance in the region as increasingly competitive rhetoric from both sides complicates efforts at cooperation. Climate change and its influence have increased access to the Arctic region, drawing the attention of Arctic states and non-Arctic stakeholders such as China to try and capitalise on the vast natural resources previously trapped beneath sea ice. Disputes arising over resources in the Arctic region, competition between great powers, and the impact of extra-regional conflicts will test the ability of the existing international framework to govern the Arctic. It remains to be seen if increased GPC and the impact of climate change will inhibit or complicate cooperation between Canada and Russia in the Arctic, but it is clear that many of the preconditions for Arctic Exceptionalism are no longer fulfilled.

Russia’s energy security is considered to rest on hydrocarbon exports, as the country’s economy and political regime depends on revenue generated in energy trade. Today, Russia faces a problem, as interests toward climate change mitigation and renewable energy have increased globally. Particularly the EU, Russia’s primary gas trade partner, seeks to reduce fossil fuel consumption due to its climate policy targets and concerns over energy security. Via the Yamal LNG project, Russia begun to diversify its markets toward East Asia in 2017. The project is expected to spur energy infrastructure development in the Arctic region, as it ships liquefied natural gas (LNG) along the Northern Sea Route. This study finds out how the stakeholders of the Yamal LNG project consider it to connect with the energy security of Russia, to which climate change mitigation poses a potential threat. Since securitization of energy is the result of a social process where political actors contest over the meanings of energy, the study also looks at whose interests the Yamal LNG project actually secures as “energy security”, and how that concept becomes projected as a general national interest, instead of having energy transition among the top objectives of energy policy. Neo-Gramscian analytical approach and frame analysis are used to deliver results from a data consisting of 11 research interviews and 40 archival sources. The stakeholders make sense of Yamal LNG’s relation to energy security and energy transition through four frames, which reflect distinct interest groups. The stakeholders appeal on others by utilizing the frames discursively, as they strategically contest over the meanings of energy. Ultimately, a hegemonic group consisting of the Russian state, JSC Yamal LNG shareholders, industrial organizations, and fossil energy lobbies determines the meanings of Yamal LNG’s production as general interests. Subordinate groups, including environmental NGOs and local indigenous residents, consent as they face combinations of discursive, organizational and material power. With the concession of others, the hegemonic group is able to project a “reality” that presents natural gas production as compatible with energy transition and climate change mitigation as an inferior interest to energy security. The Yamal LNG case shows that incumbent fossil energy regimes can effectively counter attempts to direct energy policy on low-carbon paths by pleading to security, which is a topic that research often neglects.

Tavoitteet: Itä-Euroopassa ja Keski-Aasiassa HIV-1-infektioiden ilmaantuvuus on noussut 57 % vuosina 2000−2015. Epidemiologista dataa on edelleenkin vähän. Lisäksi se on pääosin venäjänkielistä, eikä ole saatavilla kansainvälisten tietokantojen kautta. Suunnitelma: Keräsimme näytteitä ja epidemiologista dataa 328 HIV-tartunnan saaneelta, joista 91 % asui Venäjän Eteläisen federaatiopiirin alueella ja 9 % Pohjois-Kaukasian federaatiopiirin alueella. Menetelmät: Proteaasi-käänteiskopioijaentsyymi- (PRRT) ja integraasisekvessejä (IN) käytettiin viruksen alatyypin selvittämiseen sekä resistenssimutaatioiden ja lääkeherkkyyksien analysointiin. Fylogeneettisiä analyysejä käytettiin HIV:n ala-alatyyppien A6 ja A1 erottamiseen toisistaan. Tulokset: 303 (92 %) potilaan näytteet pystyttiin analysoimaan, näistä 32 %:lla infektio oli saatu huumeiden pistoskäytön kautta, 27 %:lla heteroseksissä ja 24 % infektioista oli nosokomiaalisia eli hoidon seurauksena tulleita. Miehillä huumeiden pistoskäyttö oli yleisin syy infektioille, naisilla heteroseksi. Tutkimuksessa todettiin eniten A6-viruksia (69 %), joita esiintyi erityisesti huumeita pistämällä käyttävillä sekä heteroseksin kautta saaduissa tartunnoissa. Tätä ja tulevia tutkimuksia varten luotiin A6-pol-referenssisekvenssi. Alatyypin B infektioita esiintyi erityisesti miehillä, joilla oli ollut miesten välistä seksiä. Alatyypin G infektiot olivat yhteydessä nosokomiaaliseen infektioon. Lääkeresistenssimutaatioita havaittiin PI-, NRTI-, NNRTI- ja INI-lääkeaineryhmiä kohtaan. Spesifisten mutaatioiden esiintyvyys korreloi tiettyjen HIV:n alatyyppien kanssa. Esimerkiksi ala-alatyyppi A6 yhteydessä esiintyi merkittävästi enemmän mutaatioita NRTI A62V sekä NNRTI G190S, kun taas alatyyppiin G korreloivat NRTI-lääkeaineryhmään liittyvät mutaatiot D67N ja M41L. Näytteissä havaittiin lääkeherkkyyden alentuma: 14,5 % PI-, 29,6 % NNRTI-, 27,1 % NNRTI- ja 8,2 % INI-ryhmän lääkkeitä kohtaan. Yhteenveto: Tutkimuksessa havaittu HIV-1 alatyyppijakauma Venäjällä on merkittävästi erilainen kuin Saksassa. A6 oli yleisin tutkimuksen näytteissä havaittu alatyyppi samoin kuin muissakin Venäjälle sijoittuvissa tutkimuksissa on kuvattu. Alatyyppiä G esiintyi poikkeuksellisen paljon tämän tutkimuksen näytteissä verrattuna muihin Venäjältä julkaistuihin tutkimuksiin, mikä viittaa paikalliseen epidemiaan. HIV-1:n resistenssitestauksen yleistyminen parantaisi HIV-lääkehoidon tehokkuutta sekä toisi lisätietoa Venäjän HIV-epidemiasta. (271 sanaa)

Nord Stream 2 has sparked an unprecedented amount of discussion within the European Union. Its proponents see it as a crucial and welcomed addition to the European energy infrastructure, while those opposing it consider the pipeline a geopolitical tool of Russia. This division has centred especially around Germany and the eastern Member States, Poland and the Baltic States in particular. This thesis adopts a qualitative approach and utilises tools from discourse and argumentation analyses to provide an in-depth analysis of the intra-EU debate on Nord Stream 2. The source material used is a large variety of different EU documents ranging from parliamentary questions to different types of official reports. The debate is found to feature arguments from three dimensions: environmental, economic and political. The central argument advanced is that the EU is less divided on the topic of Nord Stream 2 than has been commonly argued, especially in the media. The EU’s internal debate has been dominated by those opposing Nord Stream 2 and support for the project is rarely voiced. Furthermore, all three main EU institutions – the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament – have voiced concerns over the pipeline project. The second main result of the analysis, achieved through the systematic classification of different types of arguments into the three dimensions, is that the pipeline project has been most commonly framed in a political context, with appeals to the EU’s core principles such as solidarity and diversification of energy supplies being some of the most important characteristics of the internal debate. This thesis supports earlier research on the EU-Russia energy relationship by highlighting the negative perceptions of Russia within intra-EU debate. However, this thesis also challenges the Russia-focused angle of analysis, as the analysed documents show that the debate has focused on internal issues of the EU. These results are highly interesting because they show that although Russia is undoubtedly tied to the EU’s energy policy, the real issues might be structural and go beyond just questions related to energy policy.

This Master’s Thesis studies the main barriers in exporting forest products from Finland to Russia. The barriers are studied on three levels: the home market in Finland, the host market in Russia, and the internal resources and organization of the firms. In addition, the perceptions of industry producers on Russia’s WTO membership are examined. The focus of the study is on the mechanical forest industry circumstances and on the perceptions of small and medium-size producers that are currently not exporting to Russia. The home and host markets are examined through analyses of previous findings with emphasis on the most influential aspects. In addition, a survey is conducted to study the perceptions of producers. The sample consists of 28 small and medium-size producers within the mechanical forest industry in Finland. The survey was conducted between January and February 2013. The main barriers on the home market were in connection to economic circumstances. The production costs and the challenging competitive circumstances in particular were highlighted. In the host market, challenges were more complex and emerged from a web of factors. Nevertheless, emphasis was given to bureaucracy, corruption, and legal aspects. The surveyed industry producers stressed barriers emerging from the host market. Smaller firms were particularly concerned with cultural and language aspects. The WTO membership was perceived to have only a neutral effect in terms of instigating export activities. The results of this study thus indicate that potential exporters in Finland face a number of export barriers, and Russia’s WTO membership alone does not result in greater inclination towards exporting.

Five years after the passing of the 2012 Law on Foreign Agents in Russia this thesis contributes to new knowledge about the limitations the law has brought forward and the measures organisations have taken to work under this law. Furthermore, the limitations persisting in the Russian civil society will be discussed by reflecting the empirical findings to previous research and historical trajectories. This thesis focuses on the city of St. Petersburg from where nine experts were interviewed from nine different organisations. The research questions are; what are the expedients the organisations have taken to work under the Law on Foreign Agents and how do the organisations describe their work environment. This thesis also aims at identifying potentials for change using the empirical findings and the framework of a developmental model by Nonet & Selznick (2001). The interviews were conducted in St. Petersburg between June 2015 and January 2016. The methodological approach was qualitative case study and the method for analysing the empirical findings was inductive. Based on previous research, the thesis makes the following presumptions on which it aims to add new knowledge; the civil society in Russia in relatively weak, the legal institutions are not independent of politics and the state plays an active role in defining the boundaries civil society actors. Based on the findings the persistent limitations to the work of the NGOs include lack of public support, misunderstandings on the nature of their work due to foreign financing and/or cooperation with western organisations, lack of understanding for universal rights in general, organisations having problems working for their target groups and weak legal institutions. New limitations, which were brought forward by the Law on Foreign Agents include difficulties accessing foreign funding, self-censorship due to avoiding the work of the organisation to be categorised as political, limits for the organisations to collaborate with state officials, increased amount of bureaucracy, increased stress and fear and the division of the third sector into service-oriented and advocacy-oriented organisations. The emergent adaptations can be roughly divided into two main categories: means of legal proceedings or channeling the work of the organisation through new administrative bodies, such as charities, commercial entities or branches outside of Russia. These expedients also had a mixed character. One other adaptation was to close down the organisation and work in the form of a business or an initiative group, yet keeping the same objectives. The findings raise new questions about the forms organisations can take in repressive conditions and about civil society’s limits in general. The findings contribute to an updated overview of the organisations in St. Petersburg working under the Law on Foreign Agents and raise topical issues for further discussion and research.