Browsing by Subject "Transnationalism"
Now showing items 1-4 of 4
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(2021)The one-child policy of the People’s Republic of China created an entire generation of Chinese only-children, who have migrated abroad more often than any previous generation. However, despite the increased emigration, alongside the aging population, the Chinese elderly care system relies on the inputs of children. Therefore, there is a fundamental conflict between the filial intergenerational caregiving responsibilities and international migration processes, although some caregiving forms may be exchanged from a distance. This master’s thesis investigates how the Chinese first-generation only-child migrants who live in Finland experience caring for their parents in China. The research questions are: How do Chinese one-child transnational families practice transnational caregiving? What are the expectations and possibilities concerning caregiving? What are the elderly care arrangements like for the parents? The theoretical framework of this study consists of three dimensions of transnational caregiving: care circulation approach, transnational caregiving types, and the capacity, obligation, and negotiated commitment as factors that explain the practices of transnational caregiving. The research data consists of nine semi-structured interviews of Chinese migrants of the only-child generation. The analysis method is qualitative theory-guided content analysis. The results suggest that Chinese migrants and their parents practice transnational caregiving by exchanging emotional support. The migrants experience that their possibilities to provide care to their parents are limited. However, providing care is a cultural obligation. The future elderly care arrangements of the parents are unclear, which makes the situation stressful for the migrants. The situation is also frustrating as ideal options for arranging elderly care are lacking. If the migrants return to China to provide elderly care to their parents, they are forced to make sacrifices with their work and family. However, if they do not return to China, the alternative options of relying on institutional elderly care or hiring a maid or a nurse are not ideal either. Although the migrants value filial traditions, they desperately demand societal and policy changes that would allow them to plan the future elderly care of their parents. Based on the results, there is a demand for establishing more quality institutional elderly care services in China. There is also a need for the Finnish migration policy to allow family-based old-age migration, as some other countries do. Overall, in the current situation, the national policymaking in Finland and in China does not recognize the needs of transnational families and transnational caregivers.
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(2021)The one-child policy of the People’s Republic of China created an entire generation of Chinese only-children, who have migrated abroad more often than any previous generation. However, despite the increased emigration, alongside the aging population, the Chinese elderly care system relies on the inputs of children. Therefore, there is a fundamental conflict between the filial intergenerational caregiving responsibilities and international migration processes, although some caregiving forms may be exchanged from a distance. This master’s thesis investigates how the Chinese first-generation only-child migrants who live in Finland experience caring for their parents in China. The research questions are: How do Chinese one-child transnational families practice transnational caregiving? What are the expectations and possibilities concerning caregiving? What are the elderly care arrangements like for the parents? The theoretical framework of this study consists of three dimensions of transnational caregiving: care circulation approach, transnational caregiving types, and the capacity, obligation, and negotiated commitment as factors that explain the practices of transnational caregiving. The research data consists of nine semi-structured interviews of Chinese migrants of the only-child generation. The analysis method is qualitative theory-guided content analysis. The results suggest that Chinese migrants and their parents practice transnational caregiving by exchanging emotional support. The migrants experience that their possibilities to provide care to their parents are limited. However, providing care is a cultural obligation. The future elderly care arrangements of the parents are unclear, which makes the situation stressful for the migrants. The situation is also frustrating as ideal options for arranging elderly care are lacking. If the migrants return to China to provide elderly care to their parents, they are forced to make sacrifices with their work and family. However, if they do not return to China, the alternative options of relying on institutional elderly care or hiring a maid or a nurse are not ideal either. Although the migrants value filial traditions, they desperately demand societal and policy changes that would allow them to plan the future elderly care of their parents. Based on the results, there is a demand for establishing more quality institutional elderly care services in China. There is also a need for the Finnish migration policy to allow family-based old-age migration, as some other countries do. Overall, in the current situation, the national policymaking in Finland and in China does not recognize the needs of transnational families and transnational caregivers.
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(2019)This study is meant to tell the story of the Scandinavian Communist Federation and its threat to Moscow’s status within the Communist International. An organization of Nordic Communist Parties within the Communist International. The circumstances of its creation in 1924 coincide with the shift of politics within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the death of Lenin. The Scandinavian Communist Federation was not organized centrally by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) but by the member parties themselves. Forcing the ECCI to change its statutes and creating together with the Balkan Communist Federation a precedent. The initial assessment by the ECCI is that these two federations serve two different purposes. While it was clear that the Balkan Communist Federation longed to create a Yugoslavian/Pan-Baltic superstate, such is not clear for the Scandinavian Communist Federation. The only intent which is clear is the wish to organize as a “Scandinavian Battlegroup” and coordinate one struggle together. The Scandinavian Communist Federation was met with skepticism by the national Communist Parties and was therefore not fully fledged supported by its members. Only the Norwegians seemed seriously committed. Also, on the side of the ECCI, there have been some considerations about an ever-increasing fragmentation of the Communist International, due to contradiction with national ambition by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its tighter grip on the ECCI. This paper examines the ideological Realpolitik of the Soviet state and its effect on the Scandinavian Communist Federation, but also the ideological feasibility of a Scandinavian nation-state.
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(2019)This study is meant to tell the story of the Scandinavian Communist Federation and its threat to Moscow’s status within the Communist International. An organization of Nordic Communist Parties within the Communist International. The circumstances of its creation in 1924 coincide with the shift of politics within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the death of Lenin. The Scandinavian Communist Federation was not organized centrally by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) but by the member parties themselves. Forcing the ECCI to change its statutes and creating together with the Balkan Communist Federation a precedent. The initial assessment by the ECCI is that these two federations serve two different purposes. While it was clear that the Balkan Communist Federation longed to create a Yugoslavian/Pan-Baltic superstate, such is not clear for the Scandinavian Communist Federation. The only intent which is clear is the wish to organize as a “Scandinavian Battlegroup” and coordinate one struggle together. The Scandinavian Communist Federation was met with skepticism by the national Communist Parties and was therefore not fully fledged supported by its members. Only the Norwegians seemed seriously committed. Also, on the side of the ECCI, there have been some considerations about an ever-increasing fragmentation of the Communist International, due to contradiction with national ambition by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its tighter grip on the ECCI. This paper examines the ideological Realpolitik of the Soviet state and its effect on the Scandinavian Communist Federation, but also the ideological feasibility of a Scandinavian nation-state.
Now showing items 1-4 of 4