Browsing by Subject "Finland"

Forestry is a hazardous industry globally. Physical conditions, legal frameworks and cultural norms can vary from country to country leading to different approaches to site safety management. There are international, national and regional legislation and guidelines which outline normative approaches land managers can utilise to protect forestry machine operators and the public from accident or injury. In this study, the approaches the health and safety management in forestry operations are assessed in two countries within the European Union –Scotland (as part of the UK member state) and Finland. While both countries practice sustainable forest management, it is shown that this is carried out under different legal frameworks leading to differences in approach to site safety planning. Other factors are shown to have an effect including cultural factors and land ownership patterns.

This study explores image formation, country branding and public diplomacy. It constructs theoretical connections between images, stereotypes and country images and proposes the combined concept of stereotyped images. The aim of this study is to explore what images of Finland are present in Brazil, how these images have been formed and the purposes behind these. Using qualitative content analysis it was investigated the first images of Finland formed in Brazil through the formation of a Finnish colony in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The study proceeds to analyze the community transformation to a themed tourist town and the importance of the village to the self-identity of the immigrants and descendants. Through the study of the community it is possible to identify the origins of the earlier Finnish stereotypes in the country and it serves as a point of departure for branding activities. In the content analysis the material present in the websites from the agencies Team Finland and This is Finland which had as its main topic Latin America and/or Brazil where analyzed. Through the material it was possible to establish the country branding activities implemented in Brazil, the purpose of the actions and target groups. Meetings with members of the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs which had been or still were stationed in Brazil were conducted. These meetings served as background information and complemented the material found on both agencies websites. This showed that all together Finland is presented to the Brazilian elite and the topics highlighted are the ones which are already admired by the target group – education, technology and good governance. The study explores the counter images of Finland existent in Brazil and how these reach different social groups and have different intentions behind them. On one hand there is the stereotype of the cold and backward country, on the other there is the super model which presents solutions to the Brazilian society. The analysis of country branding allows one to explore the increasingly role of image as a tool of public diplomacy.

The aim of this research is to identify and compare how Posti (as the employer of an ethnically diverse workforce) and PAU (as the labour union representing a constantly diversifying field) construct new postal workforce diversities. The once respected and fairly well paid civil service offices of postal officers have turned into low-paid, low-skilled, often part-time work, which is failing to attract ethnic-Finn employees. As a result, migrant workers have infiltrated postal warehouse work, daytime mail delivery and especially early morning delivery. The rapid entrance of non-ethnic Finns into the field has forced Posti and PAU to consider, how they wish to approach the growing diversity of their workforce. This research examines these approaches. Articles from Posti’s personnel magazine and PAU’s membership magazine form the empirical basis for this research. Altogether 24 articles, 12 from each magazine, were chosen based on their relevance to the topic of ethnic diversity and migrant workforce. The material was collected from publications that were released between January 2014 and August 2017. Acker’s (2006) theoretical framework of “inequality regimes” in organizations serves as the core theory as well as the methodological tool for this research. The theoretical and methodological concept of frame analysis is also used to further help understand, how Posti and PAU are able to explain and justify existing inequalities in the data. A critical discourse analytical approach is present throughout the research, from the initial reading and coding of the material to the presentation of the results. The critical analysis of the selected material suggests that Posti and PAU approach the growing diversity of postal workforce in very different ways. Posti presents the diversification of the workforce as a necessary and positive change, which will help the company expand the personnel’s skillset and even increase its financial results. Ethnic diversity and increased migrant workforce is discussed in a thoroughly positive light in the personnel magazine of Posti. Migrant workers’ lack of Finnish language skills is the only negativity of the ethnically diverse workforce of Posti, which is brought up in the material. The poor Finnish skills of migrant workers are also stressed in the membership magazine of the union, but the union is also concerned with Posti’s unfair treatment of the migrant workforce. On one hand, PAU stresses the necessity to include migrant workers into the Finnish working life and on the other hand, PAU stresses the possible culture clashes this might generate. The core finding of this research is that the way diversity is approached is closely related to the objectives and aims of the organization in question. Posti very purposefully aims to construct a new cohesive workforce diversity, which focuses on the possibilities of diversity and actively aims to hide existing inequalities. Posti still relies heavily on manual labour to carry out its core services, and therefore, it is in its interest to portray diversity in a positive light. The approach that PAU takes towards diversity in its membership magazine, is far less coherent and purposeful than that of Posti. It shows concern for the potential mistreatment of Posti’s migrant workers but fails to take a stand on the position of migrant workers within the field. This research concludes that PAU is still unsure of its approach towards the new diversities of postal work. On one hand, its mission has always been to protect the terms and conditions of the employees, to which the entrance of migrant workers into the field poses a threat, but on the other hand, one of the key values of the labour movement has always been solidarity. So far, PAU is still trying to fulfil both objectives, which results in inconsistent and limited views of what the diversification of the workforce means for postal work.

Developed common-law jurisdictions have had better economic performance in comparison to continental European countries. An integral part of corporate risk management is defending against hostile takeover attempts. Hostile takeover activity is by majority represented in the countries with more widely dispersed share ownership, such as the United States and United Kingdom. One side suggests that ultimately corporate governance structures around the global economy will converge with the United States shareholder-oriented model. This paper will focus on discussing whether the United States practices in mergers and acquisitions regarding hostile takeover defensive tactics have impacted the way regulators in Europe and Finland allow and apply similar takeover defense corporate governance mechanisms. The author will compare U.S. law and case law to the European Takeover Directive and later to the Finnish Limited Liability Companies Act and the Securities Markets Act. The research question is whether Finland as part of the EU is converging to the Anglo-American legal standard in terms of hostile takeover defense tactics. The author finds that elements of U.S. corporate law has been transplanted to Finnish corporate laws and that similar tactics aimed at frustrating or defeating a hostile takeover can be used in Finland.

Increasing societal demands are driving forest industry companies to evaluate the impacts of their business activities more comprehensively. Corporate responsibility (CR) is not a new phenomenon to the industry sector as environmental considerations have been on the agenda of the firms for decades through the use of forest resources. Globalization and relocations of operations overseas have increased the general public's awareness of the societal effects of business. CR of major forest industry corporations has been studied extensively but a research gap was identified in the case of CR in small and medium-sized (SME) Finnish forest industry companies. The significance of SMEs is expected to grow within Finnish forest industry in the future as mechanical forest industry increases its relative importance. Based on literature this study suggests that SMEs should approach CR as a strategic issue, i.e., they should evaluate which aspects of this multidimensional phenomenon can affect the firm's ability to reach its objectives. The relatively limited resources of the firm should be allocated to those strategic CR issues. Empirical primary data was collected by interviewing the line managers of medium-sized Finnish sawmills. The managers were asked to identify sources of competitive advantage within the company, to give their definitions of CR and to discuss the potential of CR as a source of competitive advantage. The findings were congruent with earlier studies on SMEs in other industry fields. The firms often execute CR without identifying it and relate to CR through their key stakeholders (employees, community, customers). The interviewed line managers did not generally perceive CR to have potential as a source of CA. If CR is to be promoted amongst Finnish forest industry SMEs, robust business cases have to be presented to demonstrate the measurable benefits of CR. Practical examples of what CR incorporates in the smaller firm are required. Consumer studies are necessary to discover the value of CR stewardship perceived by the customers.

Corruption, which affects the development of human society nowadays, has been called the “cancer” of international politics. Currently, countries worldwide are faced with corruption to varying degrees, which diverts funds for development to private individuals or power groups, makes the poor poorer, affects the rule of law in the entire country and traps the country in an “inequality trap”. This dissertation attempts to interpret, through a comparative study, why corruption rates remain high in China. The starting point is examined in this dissertation is why the corruption rate in Finland is much lower than in China. This study compares and analyses the anti-corruption ecology and mechanisms of the two countries, including the definition of corruption, the current state of corruption, the causes of corruption, the legal framework, the institutional set-up of anti-corruption, and the set-up of prevention mechanisms and the differences in social supervision. The comparative approach allows for quick identification of institutional and legal differences between the two countries. The results show that there is rarely a motive for Finnish officials to be involved in corruption, that the Ministry of Justice has collaborated to build an anti-corruption network that allows all departments to participate, and that the existence of an Ombudsman and Chancellor of Justice system allows for oversight of government operations. The transparent and open government allows the public to participate in social supervision. China is more diverse in terms of the causes of corruption, with incomplete legal constructs and over-powered anti-corruption agencies, leading to the involvement of anti-corruption officials in corruption. Mechanisms to prevent corruption lack national-level guidance, and the government is not transparent enough, resulting in the public’s right to know not being guaranteed and making it difficult for social oversight to function. This is why the corruption rate in China is higher than that in Finland.

Countries worldwide are faced with the challenge of climate change mitigation. Even with the current climate targets, not enough is being done to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and the consumption of fossil-based energy. The hydrogen economy is believed to contribute to the green transition since green hydrogen is a carbon-free energy carrier and it provides an opportunity to decarbonize energy sectors where electrification is not possible. Such sectors where hydrogen could be utilized are, for example, the transport sector and various industry sectors, like chemicals and steel. A supportive policy framework is required to guarantee a swift and structured transition to functioning hydrogen markets. Finland, however, does not have a national strategy for the development of a hydrogen economy yet. This study explores the strategic possibilities in terms of developing a well-functioning hydrogen economy for Finland that would contribute to climate-neutrality. After describing and systemizing the current hydrogen scene in Finland, this study compares and analyzes the hydrogen strategies of the EU, Germany, and Norway. The aim is to find possible policy solutions that support the emerging Finnish hydrogen markets in the best way. This study concentrates on two specific aspects of hydrogen policy. What type of hydrogen should be supported in Finland – green or blue hydrogen, or both, and what kind of support mechanisms should be used to promote green hydrogen? The study concludes that the main conflict relating to the hydrogen economy, which is also inherent to energy law related issues in general, is the conflict between environmental interests and economic interests. We need quick actions to mitigate climate change, but green hydrogen is not cost-competitive, and it requires a lot of support to become feasible. It is found that the transitional period will play a crucial role in the development of the hydrogen economy, and blue hydrogen should lead the path towards fully green hydrogen markets. The shift to green hydrogen should be well-planned and structured, keeping in mind Finland’s prerequisites to produce both blue and green hydrogen. Realistic and concrete production targets for both blue and green hydrogen, defined and clear terminology, and well-designed support schemes are key for the future Finnish national hydrogen strategy. Hydrogen will likely require various forms of support, and the main rule is that direct financial support should be gradually removed, and the market-based support schemes should slowly take over.

De äldre är en intressant demografisk grupp, vars storlek ständigt ökar i Finland. På grund av att ålderdom ibland förknippas med ensamhet är kandidatavhandlingens syfte att undersöka vad de äldre själva associerar med den och hur de upplever den. Fokuset var att undersöka vilka teman som orsakar ensamhet och vad dessa kan bero på. Detta gjordes genom en beskrivande litteraturöversikt, som fokuserade på de äldres upplevelser och åsikter. För att undersöka detta bestod de teoretiska utgångspunkterna av aktivitetsteorin, rollteorin och tillbakadragningsteorin. Materialet analyserades vidare med hjälp av kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Meningen var att fokusera på de äldres subjektiva upplevelser och på vilket sätt de beskriver dem. Dessutom får man en överblick över hur de äldre ser sig själva i vårt samhälle. Resultaten visade att de äldre associerar flera saker med ensamhet och att de kan uppleva den på mycket olika sätt. Det är att sällan enbart en sak som orsakar ensamhet, istället är det ofta en kombination av flera saker. De äldre berättade bl.a. att försämrad funktionsförmåga och att bli änka/änkling orsakade ensamhet. Avhandlingen ger en överblick och djupare förståelse för hur de äldre ser och upplever ensamhet. Ämnet är viktigt att forska om på grund av att en stor del av Finlands befolkning är äldre och deras andel kommer att öka i framtiden.

Europeiska Unionens finanspolitik har undergått reform efter finanskrisen och den europeiska planeringsterminen infördes år 2011. Målet var att öka koordination mellan medlemsstaternas budgetprocesser och att den Europeiska Unionens institutioner skulle ha mer möjligheter att granska och kontrollera medlemsstaternas budgeter. Det antas att nationella parlaments deltagande är viktigt för att försäkra demokratisk legitimitet. Tidigare forskning har identifierat problem med nationella parlaments deltagande och skillnader mellan nationella parlament. Denna avhandling bidrar till diskussionen om nationella parlamentens roll i den europeiska planeringsterminen. Avhandlingens syfte är att identifiera hur den årliga budgetcykeln i den europeiska planeringsterminen påverkar nationella parlament och vilka skillnader det finns mellan länderna. För att få en djupare förståelse för hur institutionell design och ländernas ekonomiska situation är kopplat till parlamentens kapacitet genomförs en jämförande analys på Finland, Tyskland och Irland. Tidsramen för analysen är den senaste fleråriga budgetramperioden från 2014-2020. Analysen fokuserar på hur nationella parlamenten deltar i specifika etapper i den årliga budgetcykeln, där det anses att parlamentens deltagande har betydelse. I de centrala forskningsresultaten identifieras nationella parlamentens roll i den europeiska planeringsterminen och hur den kan begränsa nationella parlaments kapaciteter. Problem med bland annat tidsbrist och processens komplexitet lyfts fram i analysen. Resultaten visar att det finns skillnader mellan länderna. Det konstateras att varken Finland, Tyskland eller Irland har infört nya mekanismer för att granska planeringsterminen. Finland har traditionellt ett starkt parlament i både budget- och EU-ärenden och har inkluderat granskning av dokument relaterade till planeringsterminen i nationella budgetcyklar. Finland har haft en stor grad av deltagande jämfört med andra parlament. Tysklands parlament har även en stark roll i EU-ärenden vilket gör att de har möjligheter för deltagande i planeringsterminen, men analysen visar att nationella intressen kan leda till ovillighet att följa vägledning av den Europeiska Unionen. Irland har ett parlament med svag makt i nationell budgetering vilket begränsar deras möjligheter för deltagande i den europeiska planeringsterminen.

The role of Vietnam in Finnish Development Policy changed in the beginning of the 21st century as Vietnam “graduated” from a low-income country status to a lower middle-income country. While this has justified reduction of ODA or a complete aid exit, Finland, like other donors has clearly interest in maintaining and strengthening ‘post aid’ relationships with Vietnam. But what does this shift to post-aid relations or “transition” actually mean in the specific context? In this thesis, the complex phenomenon of transition is looked through different theoretical lenses of international relations and development studies. The main research questions concern the dimensions of transition: what has been the transition environment in Vietnam and how the transition process has changed the relations between Finland and Vietnam. Furthermore, I look at what aims, expectations and justifications have been around the transition process. Thus, it is a study on the process in which state-to-state relations move from the position of one side giving grant-based bilateral assistance to the enhancement of a new kind of partnership as well as a dive into contemporary Finnish development policy. In a temporal scale, the research is confined to the period of transition, which is officially stated to be between the years 2016-2020 but as the process has started long ago, focus is around the year 2010, the year Vietnam “graduated”. Central areas of focus in the research are the role of middle income countries in contemporary development policy as well as different justifications for transitions. The research did not focus on a dichotomous thinking on whether development cooperation was seen as good or bad, but was aimed at looking at the negotiation between the actors and views from both sides. I look at the collected data from the point of view of both the materialist theories, mostly the realist school without forgetting the appeal of ideal approaches, thus pluralist and constructivist points of view. The empirical foundation of the study is based on archival and document data on the relations between Finland and Vietnam, focusing especially on the transition period. The data includes among others the official transition strategy as well as minutes and ambassador’s statements. I complement the document data with thematic interviews conducted in Hanoi with practitioners of the transition. In the study, it was found out that the decision to end aid to Vietnam seems to have been a sum of many developments, but especially a Finnish political decision. Finnish development policy has been directed by the official statements and guidelines in which developmentalist justifications for ending bilateral development assistance have been highlighted. It is also a big step for both the donor as well as the receiver, as ending the funding also changes the power relations between the countries. The case of transition between Finland and Vietnam was chosen as the case represents a major transformation of the development relation, involves processes of negotiating and planning new initiatives. On the relations of Vietnam and Finland there can be found supporting evidence for all of the theoretical approaches. A change in the relations can be detected and the change has many justifications. Materialist interests were obvious, but even better the change might be explained by the fact that the decision and design for transitions was done in the developmentalist complex which was directed by how donors view Middle Income countries. Also three dimensions from the literature were identified in this case: the phasing out of ‘traditional’ development cooperation; phasing in of new forms of ODA-financed activities more focused on fostering bilateral relations based on mutual interests; and phasing in of new types of broader or broad-based non-ODA cooperation, be it political, commercial or scientific. Also, the issue of using ODA-funding for activities to promote broader bilateral cooperation and trade-interests were present. In the research, it was noted that how Vietnam has reacted to phenomenon of donors phasing out has been volatile. As a premise, it can be stated that the decision of ending aid has been adopted but reluctantly and that Finland’s attempt to transform the bilateral relationships with Vietnam proved to be challenging for a variety of reasons. On one hand, the Finnish transition was smoothened by the fact that many other donors had already phased out before Finland and it was found out that the decision to phase out quite late might be beneficial for Finland, On the other hand, the Vietnamese actors would not have opposed to the continuing of aid. Nevertheless, the government of Vietnam is clearly making autonomous plans on its future and the fear of aid dependency was not present. As a conclusion of the donor-recipient relation it can be stated that Finland has seemed to have had commercial and geopolitical interests involved in the transition process, but these interests were not the primary directing incentives in the transition process. This is much due to the strong ownership of Vietnam as well as the example of the donor community in Vietnam.