Browsing by Subject "Cambodia"
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(2013)In recent years, Cambodia has endured a siege of land conflicts, notably land grabbing. Land grabbing is a serious issue as it violates fundamental human rights and denies land from local communities. Moreover, the question of land ownership tends to exhaust informal dwellers as they have no legal documents to their land. Various international donors, especially the World Bank supported the Land Management Administrative Project (LMAP) in order to establish land titling in Cambodia. An important figure behind such proposal is Hernando De Soto. This research is primarily focused upon four crucial aspects of land and housing situation in informal settlements: the Cambodians conceptions of land ownership and their perceptions on land titling; the effects of private development; land disputes cases; and housing wishes/needs or recommendations from the locals. I seek to close the gap of previous research on landownership and land tenure in Cambodia. I have conducted a qualitative research that is based on twenty-one semi-structured interviews in Phnom Penh. In the literature review I draw on the history of land ownership in Cambodia and the Land Law, as well as land titling theory by De Soto (2000) and previous studies on the effect of land titling. The major findings are based on people’s conceptions of land ownership that were shaped by the 2001 Land Law. Although 18 of the 20 interviewees are without land titles, they still consider themselves as owners of their land. The interviewees referred to the 2001 Land Law, states that anyone who has occupied their land for five consecutive years prior to the Land Law has the right to apply for a definite title. Thus, the interviewees are inspired to obtain land title as they believe that land titling will prevent them from eviction. Only two of the twenty interviewees viewed land titling as insignificant and inefficient, this is mainly because the Government/authorities are corrupted and does not obey the Land Law. Such feelings stems from the corrupted and violent nature of the Cambodian Government/authorities. Land disputes in Phnom Penh mainly revolve around resettling/eviction of poor dwellers in informal settlements. Informal dwellers are often alienated from socioeconomic seriously hampered them from integrating into the society, thus, preventing them from finding formal jobs. As interviewees from the outskirt of the city confirmed relocation would mean that their living condition and housing situation will be significantly reduced. The interviewees want to stay in the city due to the great locations, proximity to services, and work. Interviewees stated that private development is 'making the poor poorer and the rich richer.' In general, slum dwellers are happy and satisfied to live in city center.
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(2013)Food has featured in the global development agenda for several decades. However, increasing food prices and the global food crisis of 2007-2008, fuelled the debate around food security, which was also one the main thematic priorities of Finn Church Aid's strategy in 2009-2012. This thesis was commissioned by FCA in order to examine food security in the context of their development cooperation project in Cambodia. The purpose of the study is to support FCA and their local partner organization, the Lutheran World Federation Cambodia’s work on food security. The study has two objectives: to contribute to the understanding of the intertwined issues of rural development and food security, and to the understanding of the food security approach and intervention logics. Firstly, food reality is scrutinized in a Cambodian rural village. The focus is on the functioning of the food system at the local level, and as part of a wider food system reaching beyond the village boundaries and even the national level. In addition, the household level food security is analysed from the perspective of livelihoods - means of gaining a living - and different ways of commanding or accessing food. This level allows scrutinizing how village level changes in the food system affect different kinds of families. Secondly, the study analyses the food security approach of LWF, with regard to the village food reality and in the light of politicised international discourses on food security. The thesis is a contextual case study of the village of Chrokhlong, based on one month’s field work period in November and December 2010, as well as LWF Cambodia’s program documents and interviews with the staff. The field work material consists of 43 interviews with the villagers, 76 informal discussions and personal observation. Food security and general development themes in Cambodia are explored through literature and personal interviews. The study found that the local food security is affected by important changes of the wider food system. Population growth and economic liberalization increase pressures on land and natural resources in the village context. Accumulation and fragmentation of land and degradation of common resources are related to the increasing commoditization of the village food system. Food security has become an issue of purchasing power. Land for rice cultivation appears as the most important factor contributing to household food security. The most food insecure families lack land and means of generating incomes in order to purchase food, such as family members in working age and good health. The poorest families are the most affected by the depletion of common resources and the increasing food prices. At a strategic level, LWF has adopted a holistic approach to food security and defines their objective as 'right to food' in line with a rights based approach to development. However, at the practical level the approach seems narrower, and the work on food security focuses on enhancing food production. This focus risks not taking into account the food insecurity of the land-poor families who do not benefit from increasing productivity. The centrality of the land issue and the specific situation of the most food insecure families is no considered sufficiently. Based on this case study, an integrated and holistic rural development approach would seem to provide relatively more benefits to households that are able to produce to markets, while the food security of the poorest families can be even further threatened by a greater dependence of markets. While LWF’s ideals seem to reflect a 'food justice' discourse, their practical work is more in line with the hegemonic discourse labelled as 'food security', that does not aim at affecting the structural causes of food insecurity at different levels.
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(2021)Carbon markets form a fundamental part of green economy, that is supposed to bring the world out of climate crisis, while maintaining economic growth and human well-being. This thesis contributes to the critical research on the green economy assumptions and draws from the political-ecological literature. It explores voluntary carbon markets with qualitative methods, through a case study of a production chain of carbon credits starting from their production in the Cardamom Mountains, Cambodia and ending in their buying and re-sale by the Compensate foundation in Finland. The focus of the analysis are the representations needed to create supply and demand for the carbon credit, and their effects. The thesis examines the complexity of commodification of carbon credits. Carbon offsets rely on highly technical auditing schemes. To produce carbon credits with forestry projects, the project developers must describe a “baseline”. The baseline describes a threat, which the relevant area is facing, and the conservation organization can tackle. I analyse how the representations of the threat make the conservation area governable and justify intervention and how they, at the same time, are unable to include the wider context, so they leave important drivers of deforestation unaddressed and instead target small-scale activities of individuals and local communities. Similarly, I show how in order to sell such carbon credits, climate change must be represented as a problem that can be solved by individual climate action of responsible consumers rather than as a systemic problem. As an effect, both the production and sale of carbon credits have a strong focus on targeting individuals at the expense of leaving broader societal structures unaddressed. This thesis highlights that the global North’s ability and moral justification to continue high-carbon lifestyles through offsets, requires people living in the global South to change their livelihoods and environments. Even if the communities in the conservation areas have some power to impact the ways the offset project operates, the level of optionality is much lower than in the global North, where the consumer is only subtly nudged to offset the distant damage they do. This approach is generally justified based on orientalist and neo-colonial discourses, according to which the people of the global South are unable to take care of their environments – and even themselves. The fact that no changes are demanded from the people of the global North and no existing power structures or practices are challenged arguably increases the desirability of the carbon markets as the major climate solution. This, however, also makes it justified to call carbon markets a non-transformative climate solution.
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(2021)Carbon markets form a fundamental part of green economy, that is supposed to bring the world out of climate crisis, while maintaining economic growth and human well-being. This thesis contributes to the critical research on the green economy assumptions and draws from the political-ecological literature. It explores voluntary carbon markets with qualitative methods, through a case study of a production chain of carbon credits starting from their production in the Cardamom Mountains, Cambodia and ending in their buying and re-sale by the Compensate foundation in Finland. The focus of the analysis are the representations needed to create supply and demand for the carbon credit, and their effects. The thesis examines the complexity of commodification of carbon credits. Carbon offsets rely on highly technical auditing schemes. To produce carbon credits with forestry projects, the project developers must describe a “baseline”. The baseline describes a threat, which the relevant area is facing, and the conservation organization can tackle. I analyse how the representations of the threat make the conservation area governable and justify intervention and how they, at the same time, are unable to include the wider context, so they leave important drivers of deforestation unaddressed and instead target small-scale activities of individuals and local communities. Similarly, I show how in order to sell such carbon credits, climate change must be represented as a problem that can be solved by individual climate action of responsible consumers rather than as a systemic problem. As an effect, both the production and sale of carbon credits have a strong focus on targeting individuals at the expense of leaving broader societal structures unaddressed. This thesis highlights that the global North’s ability and moral justification to continue high-carbon lifestyles through offsets, requires people living in the global South to change their livelihoods and environments. Even if the communities in the conservation areas have some power to impact the ways the offset project operates, the level of optionality is much lower than in the global North, where the consumer is only subtly nudged to offset the distant damage they do. This approach is generally justified based on orientalist and neo-colonial discourses, according to which the people of the global South are unable to take care of their environments – and even themselves. The fact that no changes are demanded from the people of the global North and no existing power structures or practices are challenged arguably increases the desirability of the carbon markets as the major climate solution. This, however, also makes it justified to call carbon markets a non-transformative climate solution.
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(Helsingin yliopistoHelsingfors universitetUniversity of Helsinki, 2007)In Cambodia, water has a special purpose as a source of life and livelihoods. Along with agriculture, fishing and forest use, industry, hydropower, navigation and tourism compete for the water resources. When rights and responsibilities related to essential and movable water are unclear, conflicts emerge easily. Therefore, water management is needed in order to plan and control the use of water resources. The international context is characterized by the Mekong River that flows through six countries. All of the countries by the river have very different roles and interests already depending on their geographical location. At the same time, water is also a tool for cooperation and peace. Locally, the water resources and related livelihoods create base for well-being, for economical and human resources in particular. They in turn are essential for the local people to participate and defend their rights to water use. They also help to construct the resource base of the state administration. Cambodia is highly dependent on the Mekong River. However, Cambodia has a volatile history whose effects can be seen for example in population structure, once suspended public institutions and weakened trust in the society. Relatively stable conditions came to the country as late as in the 1990s, therefore Cambodia for example has a weak status within the Mekong countries. This Master s thesis forms international, national and local interest groups of water use and analyzes their power relations and resources to affect water management. The state is seen as the salient actor as it has the formal responsibility of the water resources and of the coordination between the actions of different levels. In terms of water use this study focuses on production, in management on planning and in power relations on the resources. Water resources of Cambodia are seen consisting of the Mekong River and Tonle Sap Lake and the time span of the study is between the years 1991 and 2006. The material consists of semi-structured interviews collected during summer 2006 in Finland and in Cambodia as well as of literature and earlier studies. The results of the study show that the central state has difficulties to coordinate the actions of different actors because of its resource deficit and internal conflicts. The lessons of history and the vested interests of the actors of the state make it difficult to plan and to strengthen legislation. It seems that the most needed resources at the central state level are intangible as at the village level instead, the tangible resources (fulfilling the basic needs) are primarily important. The local decision-making bodies, NGOs and private sector mainly require legislation and legitimacy to support their role. However, the civil society and the international supporters are active and there are possibilities for new cooperation networks.
Now showing items 1-5 of 5