Browsing by study line "Media and Democracy"

Different studies have assessed, in the past, the potential effects of showcasing inclusiveness of different identities in popular media. Those research often about TV series and movies, have shown the media’s potential to “participate in the construction of the imagined community, the nation, and the membership of that nation” (Nikunen, 2013, p. 307). However, too few of those studies concern video games, even though the relevance of researching that form of media is growing incessantly along with its popularity. The recent events of Gamergate and other criticism in the last years also highlighted that need. In the last years, some members of the gaming industries, touched by the awareness-raising campaigns on the potential effects of representation – or lack thereof – in video games, have attempted to improve the inclusiveness in their designs. That is the case of the Blizzard team creating the first person shooter Overwatch. Jeff Kaplan, Overwatch’s game director, has been explicit about the developers intend to send a message of “inclusiveness and open mindedness” through their game design (Kaplan, 2017), which is why the game was selected for the present research. This thesis includes theory drawn from social sciences concerning representation, visuality, and media effect. As the subject of analysis is a video game, a part of the theory comes also from the field of game research: game analysis essentials, and the notion of the transformativity of games. This basis allows a short analysis of the game Overwatch in order to evaluate partially the inclusiveness and the type of representation observable in the game. How are players reflecting on and reacting to developers’ attempt at inclusive design in the video game Overwatch? To answer the question, in-depth interviews were led with active players of the game. The participants told their first reactions to the game, then expressed their thoughts about the game’s level of inclusiveness, the necessity of that inclusiveness, and the potential effects it could have on themselves or other players. Their answers were compiled and analysed. Although the scope of this work doesn’t allow definite conclusions, it has been found that the interviews are welcoming the inclusiveness in the game Overwatch. Some of them were even to see more diverse representation added to it in the future. Most of the players are however making the distinction between Overwatch and other genre of games, saying that such inclusiveness should not be required from the developers, but encouraged; the participants give value to the developers’ creative freedom and don’t want to see it hindered by pressure from critics. Regarding the potential effects of the game’s values on the players, the participants were mostly unsure about the possibility at first. Yet, towards the end of the interview, as they became more comfortable, some of them shared personal experiences of media effect from Overwatch. Those testimonies were especially interesting as they are comparable to Bandura’s social cognitive theory, which is discussed in the thesis (Bandura, 1977; Kirsch, 2010). The results of this study invite interested researchers to investigate further in that direction.

This thesis sets out to investigate how the ideas of what it means to be a woman and femininity are constructed and propagated through the film Raya and the Last Dragon, the latest Disney Princess film, in the form of stereotypes. Previous studies show that Disney Princess films, from The Walt Disney Company, produce effects on the behaviour and thoughts of children when it comes to gender roles. As propaganda became associated with totalitarian regimes, studies about media effects rarely coin said effects as caused by propaganda. Therefore, propaganda as a field of analysis lacks a body of literature and a consensual set of analysis rules. This thesis contributes to the establishment of propaganda as a field of analysis, by defining it under Jacques Ellul’s categorisation. The study relies on a qualitative analysis based on the propaganda analysis model proposed by Garth Jowett and Victoria O’Donnell. The empirical material consists of the film Raya and the Last Dragon, and it is available on Disney+, the streaming service of The Walt Disney Company. The findings of this thesis illuminate how the ideas of a woman and of femininity are constructed in Raya and the Last Dragon and allow to understand, against the literature review, if these constructions have changed and evolved when compared to previous Disney Princess films. The results indicate that the film presents a world where women and men are seen as equal, leading it to break previous stereotypes associated with women and femininity. By presenting a female-centric story, with independent characters who have diverse personalities and clothing, who fight and have no romantic interests, the film subverts the trope of a passive woman in a dress waiting to be rescued by a man from a powerful evil woman. Additionally, the film rotates around the relationship between Raya and Namaari, using the patriarchal trope of plotting a woman against a woman to focus on female friendship. Yet, as the filmmakers are conditioned by their positionality, some stereotypes are still oriented by patriarchal logic and a western perspective, namely the omnipresence of a patriarchal figure that guides the protagonist. In the end, besides its contributions to the field of propaganda analysis, the thesis updates the tradition of studies done on the gendered stereotypes present in the Disney Princess films.

Online disinformation has been identified internationally as a concerning phenomenon due to its potential effects on communication, democracy, and the very conceptions of truth and reality. This thesis aims to examine the question of what factors may make societies resilient to disinformation. Based on the theoretical framework originally outlined in Humprecht et al.’s (2020) cross-country ranking of 18 Western democracies, this thesis analyzes how structural environmental factors at the country level may strengthen resilience to online disinformation in two countries: Finland and Poland. Based on longitudinal mixed methods analyses informed by international indices, reports, and national scholarship, this thesis analyzes the political, media, and economic environments of Finland and Poland to consider how these environments—colored by cultural, historical, and societal contexts—may contribute to each country’s respective resilience to disinformation. This within-case analysis shows the challenges of quantifying and ranking resilience to disinformation and to develop the theoretical framework further. While Finland has historically been found to perform well in resilience studies, its examination alongside the Polish case demonstrates the necessity of nuancing each factor, informed by questioning what each factor actually entails as well as the impact of country contexts. Indicators such as populist communication, public service media, and trust in news were revealed to be more complex than originally outlined in the framework when applied to two different country contexts. This thesis also identified two novel additions to further contribute to the framework: journalistic standards, roles, and ethics and media literacy. By proposing additions to the framework and critically discussing the interactions between factors, this thesis also identifies key areas of future research to contribute to the field of disinformation studies.

China’s rise in the 21st century has been a widely discussed phenomenon inside and outside the academia. There is a debate on whether China is a status quo or a revisionist state and the impact its influence might have on the world as a whole. One area of China’s rise has not been widely researched in relation to these questions – technology. China’s technological development has increased during the past decades to a level where its technology competence competes with other technologically advanced countries. The fourth industrial revolution has brought about new technologies, such as artificial intelligence, 5G or cyberspace. These technologies also bring forth new questions and challenges, and they require research not only from the technological perspective but also from a social science perspective. This research investigated the Chinese technology policies by looking at materials that included five speeches, two State Council notices, one journal article, and a journal commentary. The themes of the researched materials revolved around overall technology policies, artificial intelligence, cyberspace, and data. This study employed content analysis as its method. The categorization of the social identities derived from the theoretical framework of Chinese social identity strategies which included five different social identity strategies: Globalist China, Sovereign China, Unified China, Sino-centric China, and Rising China. The materials were analyzed by combining two theoretical frameworks – the social identity theory with a particular Chinese social identity theory framework, and constructivism. The social identity theory was originally invented within the field of social psychology but has been used in the study of international relations to understand rising powers. Chinese technology policies were revealed to employ Rising China strategy as their main strategy. Three other social identity strategies – Sino-centric China, Globalist China, and Sovereign China – were also found in the materials, and these revealed interesting points concerning the overall technology strategies. China was found to be balancing between the status quo and a revisionist state status, and the technology themes and the regions they aim to influence seemingly have an impact on which strategies they employ and how these strategies are implemented.

Throughout the Putin Era, the memory of the Great Patriotic War became a potent resource for legitimizing the Kremlin’s ideology and political actions. As part of this ‘Call to History’, the Kremlin mobilized cinema’s persuasive appeal to spark patriotism based on the war victory over Nazism. The purpose of this empirical study is to shed light on how history-evoking Russian film propaganda justifies present warfare. Specifically, it explores how the Great Patriotic War myth is evoked in Russian film propaganda about the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This thesis is informed by a theoretical framework that illustrates the interplay of memory politics, political myth, and propaganda. It builds on previous research on the myth of the Great Patriotic War in Russian cinematic memory politics and the Kremlin’s Ukraine war rhetoric. This study relies on a qualitative analysis rooted in interpretivism and adapts Jowett and O’Donnell’s propaganda analysis model as an analytical framework. The research material consists of the film Witness, the first government-funded film on the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, which serves as a case study of film propaganda. The findings illustrate that Witness is a precise cinematic orchestration of Russian war rhetoric. Its ideological constructions echo the primary casus belli: Ukrainian Nazism, Ukrainian genocide, and Western complicity in veiling the war’s ‘true circumstances’. Witness conveys its primary ideological belief of Ukrainian Nazism by evoking the institutional memory of the Great Patriotic War through a myriad of historical references to Nazi Germany’s war atrocities and ideology. This aims to create the veneer of historical authenticity and lend documentary-like truth value to Witness’ fictional story. As the primary propaganda technique, Witness employs the Holocaust as a cinematic master narrative. Besides, Witness uses characteristic propaganda techniques, such as demonizing the enemy, emotional appeals, and the archetypical triangle of victim, villain, and hero. The findings demonstrate that Witness draws on familiar techniques of the war propaganda arsenal. Therefore, this study indicates that historical research on film propaganda of the World Wars is still relevant for understanding films that form part of contemporary information warfare. Furthermore, the findings illustrate how propaganda employs culturally embedded political myths about past wars to frame current wars. Thus, this study addresses the gap in research on the Kremlin’s history-evoking films as part of wartime propaganda efforts.

The normalisation and proliferation of far-right movements across Europe, particularly evident in the fourth wave of the European far right, pose significant challenges to liberal democratic systems. The adoption of far-right positions by mainstream parties and the electoral success of far-right parties underscore a growing appeal of populist, nativist, and authoritarian narratives, raising concerns about their impact on liberal democratic institutions. Central to the far-right discourse is the construction of a ‘true people,’ which serves as a legitimising narrative. This thesis examines the construction of this nativist ideal of the people by the populist radical right, focusing on the volatility of its boundary definitions. Drawing on the ideological roots and the historical development of the postwar European far right in four distinct waves, the study compares boundary narratives used by the Alternative for Germany (AfD) during the European migration crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The research questions explore the discursive shaping of ‘the people’ and its ‘other’ in the AfD’s discourse during these distinct crises and analyse differences across them. Methodologically, the thesis adopts a discourse historical approach, coupled with a topical analysis, to analyse parliamentary debates in three East German state parliaments. The findings reveal that while immigration-related topics persist as central themes. However, the pandemic prompts a shift in focus from exclusive discourses that rely of territorial border narratives, to seemingly inclusive narratives and an increased elite criticism that draws on the boundary of the collective body of the people that is threatened. Theoretical implications suggest that the concept of the ‘heartland’ serves as a basis for both of these boundary definitions. The study contributes to a better understanding of the ideological flexibility as well as the ideological consistencies of populist radical right parties, highlighting the enduring influence of far-right legacies on their discourse. Ultimately, the thesis underscores the need for nuanced approaches to address the challenges posed by the normalisation and proliferation of far-right movements in contemporary democracies.

The War on Terror has been waged for almost two whole decades now. President Barack Obama pledged to end the “boundless Global War on Terror” during his tenure but there are still US troops present in Middle East and North Africa. Despite the rhetoric on ending the war, the war got even more violent in terms of air strikes and the military budget kept on rising from that of president Bush under Obama’s first term as president. Since these circumstances suggest that there was no considerable change to be perceived in the outcome of the war from Bush to Obama, there seems to exist a process of political meaning-making through which the meanings attached to the US engagement in the Middle East are altered. Thus, this study aims at analysing the underlying fantasmatic logics through which the War on Terror was legitimized to the public during Obama’s presidency. This study contributes to the study of international relations through Lacanian-Žižekian framework, which has only recently been introduced to the study of international politics. The theoretical and methodological background of this thesis is rooted in Lacanian psychoanalysis, discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe and Lacanian-Žižekian theorizations on ideological fantasies. By adapting the logics approach of discourse theory as a qualitative method, this thesis analyses 105 speeches on terrorism that Barack Obama delivered in 2009–2016. The analysis is focused at analysing discursive articulations, nodal points and master signifiers that partake in structuring the fantasies regarding War on Terror. In this thesis I will argue that it is through the fantasmatic logics that the ideological grip of Obama’s War on Terror becomes intelligible: By structuring the fantasmatic objects of desire at least on three levels, Obama succeeds at granting the illusion that the unachievable and impossible enjoyment – that the subjects of War on Terror desire – is achievable. However, Obama organizes the fantasy in a way that keeps the realization of the ultimate fantasy of lasting peace, safety, prosperity and security always at a distance. The desire is sustained by articulating enemies, such as al Qaeda, Taliban, Osama bin Laden, Assad’s regime and ISIL, as inferior objects of desire that are “forgotten” and replaced by one another in the signifying chain of enmity. In addition to this “forgetting” of inferior objects of desire, there exists a process of “reminding” or “remembering” that sustains the desire of War on Terror’s subjects. I then argue that some of these objects of desire are used to remind the subjects of what the possible enjoyment would feel like when it is finally achieved. These enemies are also articulated as “the constitutive othesr” that prevent the subjects of War on Terror to realize their fantasy of lasting peace. The results show that the signifier “terrorists” functions as a subtle epithet through which various and differential groups can be articulated as enemies.

Disinformation has recently taken priority in media policy agendas across the world as many governing bodies identified it as an emerging threat to democracy. The EU has been particularly lauded for its proactive and comprehensive approach. Most notably, the EU launched their Code of Practice on Disinformation, the first and only disinformation policy on an international scale. This study focuses on analyzing the factors that determined the materialization of the Code through the lens of the multiple streams framework. The research material consists of semi-structured interviews with members of the High Level Expert Group on Fake News and Online Disinformation as well as signatories of the Code, both of which were directly involved in the Code’s development process. The data was analyzed through a qualitative thematic analysis, with the themes mainly grounded in the three streams of the multiple streams framework – the problem stream, policy stream, and political stream. The Code’s materialization resulted from the concurrence of increased attention to disinformation as a policy problem, the development of viable solutions, and the emergence of political will and competence to address the issue. Disinformation was successfully framed as an emerging threat to democracy through focusing events such as the 2016 U.S. elections, the Brexit Referendum, and the COVID-19 pandemic, rather than particular indicators that revealed the problem’s scope and impact. Solutions were based on consensus-building among conflicting interest groups, in addition to an assessment on each proposal’s viability in terms of value acceptability, resource availability, technical and financial feasibility, and anticipation of future constraints. Although the Code remained a non-legislative policy with vague language, the discussions generated alternative solutions that could be used in future policy windows. Lastly, the composition of the EU, lobbying efforts of interest groups, and the EU’s perception of the public mood, among other factors, contributed to both the Code’s acceptance and limitations in the political sphere. The materialization of the Code, despite its shortcomings, suggests that the EU is willing to take more aggressive measures against disinformation through incremental adjustments. The findings of this study provide valuable insights into the complexities of media policy-making as well as the challenges of tackling disinformation in the digital age.

Britannian hallitus ilmoitti vuonna 2016 harkitsevansa sukupuolen juridista tunnustamista koskevan lain (the Gender Recognition Act 2004) uudistamista, minkä seurauksena julkinen keskustelu transihmisten oikeuksista on lisääntynyt mediassa. Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastellaan medianäkyvyyden, julkisen keskustelun ja transaktivismin kompleksista suhdetta. Tutkimuksen tavoite on tuoda esiin medianäkyvyyden ja julkisen keskustelun vaikutuksia transaktivismiin Britanniassa. Vaikka tutkielmassa tarkastellaan julkista keskustelua ja trans-narratiiveja mediassa, empiirinen tutkimus lähestyy aihetta transaktivistien näkökulmasta. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautuu Emil Edenborgin (2017) kuulumisen politiikan (politics of belonging) ja näkyvyyden suhdetta käsittelevään teoriaan (the arrangements of visibility). Edenborgin mukaan hallitsevat toimijat pyrkivät joko hillitsemään tai vahvistamaan näkyvyyttä (containing and amplifying visibility), kun taas mahdollisuudet haastaa näkyvyyttä (contesting visibility) toteutuvat kontekstuaalisesti eri tavoin. Tutkimuksen lähtökohta on transihmisten olemassaolon sosiokulttuurinen näkymättömyys (Namaste, 2000), minkä seurauksena median trans-narratiivit, jotka tuovat esiin vain pienen osan transihmisten kokemuksista, johtaa trans-näkyvyyden paradoksiin (the paradox of trans visibility) (Berberick, 2018). Trans-näkyvyyden paradoksi luo pohjan tutkielman analyysille. Tutkimusaineisto on kerätty haastattelemalla viittä transaktivistia Britanniassa. Puolistrukturoitujen teemahaastattelujen tarkoitus oli tarkastella transaktivistien kokemuksia medianäkyvyydestä, julkisesta keskustelusta ja transaktivismista Britanniassa, sekä niiden merkityksiä. Tutkimuskysymys on, mitä haasteita ja mahdollisuuksia näkyvyydestä voi seurata transaktivismille? Aineisto on analysoitu teema-analyysin avulla. Analyyttiset teemat rakentuivat tutkielman teoreettisen perustan ympärille. Tutkimuksen tulokset viittaavat siihen, että kasvanut medianäkyvyys ja julkinen keskustelu on johtanut virheellisen tiedon lisääntymiseen sekä medianarratiiveihin, joissa transihmisten oikeudet kuvataan uutena yhteiskunnallisena uhkana. Haastateltavien mukaan harhaanjohtavaan mediaraportointiin puuttuminen, ilman vahvoja siteitä mediaan, on yksi transaktivismin suurimmista haasteista Britanniassa. Transfobian ja vihapuheen yleistyminen sosiaalisessa mediassa on myös suuri haaste aktivisteille. Harhaanjohtavat medianarratiivit, transfobia ja vihapuhe ovat johtaneet siihen, että monet haastateltavista eivät enää seuraa aktiivisesti mediaraportointia ja osallistuvat vain harkiten julkiseen keskusteluun transoikeuksista. Tulokset viittaavat siihen, että vihamielisyydeltä suojautuminen voi johtaa transaktivistit vetäytymään julkisesta keskustelusta. Toisaalta kasvanut trans-näkyvyys voi myös mahdollistaa cissukupuolisten ihmisten kouluttamisen, antaa puitteet vertaistuelle ja transihmisten yhteisölliselle toiminnalle, sekä tarjota mahdollisuuksia haastaa hallitsevaa medianäkyvyyttä.

Finland’s national obsession with seeing itself on the world stage is nothing new to anyone familiar with the Nordic country. Finns love seeing the country mentioned in international media so much so that it elicits two slightly tongue-in-cheek phrases in Finnish, torille tavataan and Suomi mainittu. For Finland’s size, it seems to be mentioned quite frequently on social media as well. But does Finland actually have disproportionate soft power and nation branding given its population? This thesis takes a look at traditional ways of studying soft power, public diplomacy and nation branding and how they have adapted to the digital era. It also explains some of the potential gaps in measuring a country’s nation brand, especially in regards to YouTube. Using the sum of YouTube views from the first five pages of search results as a vector for quantitative research, this thesis also offers an example of a small study of nine other geographically diverse case countries all with similarly sized populations to Finland — New Zealand, Denmark, Norway, the Central African Republic, Slovakia, El Salvador, Paraguay, Ireland, and Singapore. YouTube videos can be further grouped into various of the sight’s own categories, showing which countries out perform others, offering more specific insight into nation branding successes and failures. Comparing these 10 countries, all in the same population weight class, can help determine whether Finland’s online presence is actually outsized or that’s a myth supported by confirmation bias.