Browsing by master's degree program "Globaalin politiikan ja viestinnän maisteriohjelma"

Online disinformation has been identified internationally as a concerning phenomenon due to its potential effects on communication, democracy, and the very conceptions of truth and reality. This thesis aims to examine the question of what factors may make societies resilient to disinformation. Based on the theoretical framework originally outlined in Humprecht et al.’s (2020) cross-country ranking of 18 Western democracies, this thesis analyzes how structural environmental factors at the country level may strengthen resilience to online disinformation in two countries: Finland and Poland. Based on longitudinal mixed methods analyses informed by international indices, reports, and national scholarship, this thesis analyzes the political, media, and economic environments of Finland and Poland to consider how these environments—colored by cultural, historical, and societal contexts—may contribute to each country’s respective resilience to disinformation. This within-case analysis shows the challenges of quantifying and ranking resilience to disinformation and to develop the theoretical framework further. While Finland has historically been found to perform well in resilience studies, its examination alongside the Polish case demonstrates the necessity of nuancing each factor, informed by questioning what each factor actually entails as well as the impact of country contexts. Indicators such as populist communication, public service media, and trust in news were revealed to be more complex than originally outlined in the framework when applied to two different country contexts. This thesis also identified two novel additions to further contribute to the framework: journalistic standards, roles, and ethics and media literacy. By proposing additions to the framework and critically discussing the interactions between factors, this thesis also identifies key areas of future research to contribute to the field of disinformation studies.

Thirty years after the fall of communism, the post-socialist countries find themselves in a state of economic dependency. The main argument of the thesis is that the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovakia) operate in an FDI-led growth model, characterized by strong presence of foreign capital (especially in export-oriented manufacturing sector), but a low level of knowledge spill-overs from foreign-owned sectors to those in domestic ownership, which constraints the productivity growth of the domestic-owned enterprises (the so-called dual economy). Integration into the global economy, conducted in the V4 countries mainly through ties with Germany, was initially highly beneficial, however, it is increasingly becoming a constraint on further development, illustrated e. g. by the inability to achieve full convergence to EU-15. The aim of the thesis is to describe how did the FDI-led growth model developed in the V4 countries between 1990 and 2019; what was the political discussion of the growth model; and the differences in these two spheres between the V4 countries. This is studied on two levels: the FDI-led growth model itself (described using a set of macroeconomic indicators); and analysis of the political discussion. The conclusion is that the V4 countries differ both in terms of development of the FDI-led growth model (the biggest outlier is Poland, which is less reliant on foreign investment then rest of the group), and in terms of the political approach to the model (especially Poland and Hungary after 2010 take active steps to limit the impact of the FDI dependency; the Czech Republic and Slovakia are more or less aware of the dependency, but take no interventionist measures). Given the high levels of economic growth in Poland and especially Hungary after 2014, there is most probably a causality between the efforts to limit the dependency and the economic development (although other factors, such as the size of the economy, play a role too). However, it is also argued that unlike certain level of economic nationalism, populism is not a prerequisite for limiting the dependent growth and in the long run can actually be harmful to economic development.

Throughout the Putin Era, the memory of the Great Patriotic War became a potent resource for legitimizing the Kremlin’s ideology and political actions. As part of this ‘Call to History’, the Kremlin mobilized cinema’s persuasive appeal to spark patriotism based on the war victory over Nazism. The purpose of this empirical study is to shed light on how history-evoking Russian film propaganda justifies present warfare. Specifically, it explores how the Great Patriotic War myth is evoked in Russian film propaganda about the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This thesis is informed by a theoretical framework that illustrates the interplay of memory politics, political myth, and propaganda. It builds on previous research on the myth of the Great Patriotic War in Russian cinematic memory politics and the Kremlin’s Ukraine war rhetoric. This study relies on a qualitative analysis rooted in interpretivism and adapts Jowett and O’Donnell’s propaganda analysis model as an analytical framework. The research material consists of the film Witness, the first government-funded film on the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, which serves as a case study of film propaganda. The findings illustrate that Witness is a precise cinematic orchestration of Russian war rhetoric. Its ideological constructions echo the primary casus belli: Ukrainian Nazism, Ukrainian genocide, and Western complicity in veiling the war’s ‘true circumstances’. Witness conveys its primary ideological belief of Ukrainian Nazism by evoking the institutional memory of the Great Patriotic War through a myriad of historical references to Nazi Germany’s war atrocities and ideology. This aims to create the veneer of historical authenticity and lend documentary-like truth value to Witness’ fictional story. As the primary propaganda technique, Witness employs the Holocaust as a cinematic master narrative. Besides, Witness uses characteristic propaganda techniques, such as demonizing the enemy, emotional appeals, and the archetypical triangle of victim, villain, and hero. The findings demonstrate that Witness draws on familiar techniques of the war propaganda arsenal. Therefore, this study indicates that historical research on film propaganda of the World Wars is still relevant for understanding films that form part of contemporary information warfare. Furthermore, the findings illustrate how propaganda employs culturally embedded political myths about past wars to frame current wars. Thus, this study addresses the gap in research on the Kremlin’s history-evoking films as part of wartime propaganda efforts.

The normalisation and proliferation of far-right movements across Europe, particularly evident in the fourth wave of the European far right, pose significant challenges to liberal democratic systems. The adoption of far-right positions by mainstream parties and the electoral success of far-right parties underscore a growing appeal of populist, nativist, and authoritarian narratives, raising concerns about their impact on liberal democratic institutions. Central to the far-right discourse is the construction of a ‘true people,’ which serves as a legitimising narrative. This thesis examines the construction of this nativist ideal of the people by the populist radical right, focusing on the volatility of its boundary definitions. Drawing on the ideological roots and the historical development of the postwar European far right in four distinct waves, the study compares boundary narratives used by the Alternative for Germany (AfD) during the European migration crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The research questions explore the discursive shaping of ‘the people’ and its ‘other’ in the AfD’s discourse during these distinct crises and analyse differences across them. Methodologically, the thesis adopts a discourse historical approach, coupled with a topical analysis, to analyse parliamentary debates in three East German state parliaments. The findings reveal that while immigration-related topics persist as central themes. However, the pandemic prompts a shift in focus from exclusive discourses that rely of territorial border narratives, to seemingly inclusive narratives and an increased elite criticism that draws on the boundary of the collective body of the people that is threatened. Theoretical implications suggest that the concept of the ‘heartland’ serves as a basis for both of these boundary definitions. The study contributes to a better understanding of the ideological flexibility as well as the ideological consistencies of populist radical right parties, highlighting the enduring influence of far-right legacies on their discourse. Ultimately, the thesis underscores the need for nuanced approaches to address the challenges posed by the normalisation and proliferation of far-right movements in contemporary democracies.

Sovereignty plays a significant role in the governance, recognition and legitimisation of semi-autonomous jurisdictions. Since the signing of the Peace of Westphalia in the 17th century, sovereignty has played a role in global political and economic affairs, yet for overseas territories and semi-autonomous jurisdictions the lack of independent sovereignty can leave these territorial anomalies without a seat at the table. With technological advancements and the rise of globalisation, the flow of people, capital and information has never been higher. As capital moves across the globe at high speeds, issues of taxation and its regulation arise. This thesis explores Stephen Krasner’s framework of the four types of sovereignty in order to propose a fifth form of sovereignty: economic sovereignty. To introduce an understanding of sovereignty that does not require a jurisdiction to be an independent nation state in order to be recognised, represented and held accountable regarding global economic issues. By illustrating how semi-autonomous jurisdictions can develop a flexible and prosperous system of international participation that does not require full sovereignty, this thesis aims to explore how a new form of sovereignty could potentially aid in improving the global governance of tax regulation. By analysing the positives, negatives and compromises of statehood and sovereignty, it possible to explore sovereignty as a spectrum that falls outside traditional understandings of the nation-state which has the potential to open up new opportunities for international cooperation and communication. The ‘outcome explaining’ variant of process tracing was used for case selection where cases are chosen based on the outcome of a mechanism. As a result, the British Crown Dependencies and in particular the island of Jersey were used as the focus case study, alongside a comparative study of the literature. This thesis highlights the growing role of self-governing semi-autonomous jurisdictions on the global economic stage and finds that independent sovereignty should not be a required criteria in order for a territory to be a recognised stakeholder in international financial and tax governance.

This study delves into the practical application of the United Nations principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) within the complex context of the Central African Republic (CAR), focusing on key events such as the 2012 civil war, the 2013 ethnic and religious conflicts, and the Boali Massacre. Adopting a qualitative methodology rooted in constructivism theory, the research aims to evaluate the effectiveness of R2P in preventing and addressing mass atrocities in CAR. The study explores the complexities of the international community's response to these crises, scrutinizing the timeliness of their intervention. The research also seeks to identify and analyze existing limitations and challenges that impede the successful implementation of R2P in CAR, considering the intricate issues that may hinder its transformation into an established norm. By investigating the involvement of regional and international actors, the study aims to unravel the enduring repercussions of R2P on peace, stability, and state-building in CAR. This research contributes valuable insights into the dynamics of humanitarian intervention, the concept of state sovereignty, and the practical application of R2P within conflict-ridden settings. The findings hold implications for refining international responses to mass atrocities in CAR and similar challenging environments, ultimately enriching the broader discourse on the Responsibility to Protect.

Artificial intelligence (AI), as a constantly developing technology that is difficult to define, strains a society not prepared for its impact. On the other hand, AI represents the future and comes with many opportunities. The European Commission has taken both views into account in its policy for AI, the European approach to AI. The European Commission’s AI policy, that introduces a regulation-based approach to AI as the first policy initiative in the world, offers a timely and intriguing topic of study. This thesis critically examines how AI is represented as a problem in the European Commission’s policy over the course of a four-year time frame from 2018 to 2021. It uses a combined set of methods: qualitative content analysis together with Carol Bacchi’s WPR approach to inspect five selected European Commission’s policy documents. Four of these policy documents are communication papers with an additional white paper. With the help of qualitative content analysis, the main repetitive themes of AI challenges and opportunities are teased out. The WPR approach is used to examine the progression of the AI policy and analyze the problem representations found in policy. Research questions are the following: how has the European Commission’s policy on AI come about and how has AI been represented as a policy problem by the European Commission? The thesis presents the formation of the AI policy by going through policy documents over the period of four years. Additionally, the thesis demonstrates how the Commission’s AI policy is one piece of the puzzle that is EU digital politics aiming for technological sovereignty. From the Commission’s problem representation of AI, the challenges and opportunities, it is possible to analyze the implicit representations of AI in policy. Although, the policy highlights trustworthiness and competitiveness through its regulatory actions there are other aspects present as well. AI has been represented in policy through eight perspectives, including safety and security, ethical, legal, competitiveness, AI leadership, socioeconomic, ecological, and education. All perspectives rationalize ways for AI to be embraced inside the European Union borders and participate in the shaping of how AI is to be approached. The analysis of each category shows that issues related to safety and security, ethical, legal, competitiveness, and AI leadership seem to stand out whereas socioeconomic, ecological, and education matters are not as strongly stressed. Overall, this thesis has demonstrated how AI has been represented as a problem in the European Commission’s policy.

This thesis examines the moral political economy of technology and well-being. This is be done assessing Finnish policymaking in the context of global political economy, using a moral political economy approach and critical semiotic analysis. The material of the thesis consists of a recent government resolution on technology policy. The objective is to critically explore the normative foundation of technology policymaking and to identify underlying moral-political norms. The findings suggest that underlying moral-political norms relating to ideals of welfare and technology, as well as neoliberal economic understanding are identifiable within the resolution. This further suggests, that policymaking related to technology and well-being reproduces existing power structures. The findings suggest further research is needed to engage in moral political economy in the context of digitalising world economy.

Taking the Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP) as a case study, this thesis contributes to the understanding of how the SDP and centre-left parties more generally were neoliberalised, this is to say how they became to embrace the idea that society is best organised through markets and competition. Drawing from the work of Stephanie Mudge, the thesis focuses on party experts, those party actors oriented towards producing truth-claims of society, hence affecting the way parties conceive the world and speak. Expert’s knowledge, however, is contingent on their social locations. They are often also situated in professional fields that tend to condition which ideas count as legitimate, making their positions explanatory relevant with regards to parties’ disposition and rhetoric. Methodologically the work draws from the tradition of historical sociology and Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social fields. The material utilised consists of (auto)biographies; past historical and social scientific research; reference works; SDP’s archival documents; and historical newspaper and magazine writings and interviews. The central argument is that Mudge’s account—taken as the work’s hypothesis—of the neoliberalisation of centre-left parties in “core countries” (the UK, the US, Sweden, and Germany) is inadequate in the case of the SDP embedded in Finland’s peripheral context. Mudge asserts that a central driver in the parties’ neoliberalisation was the interdependence between the political field of the party and the field of economics, which developed as interwar economic disruption incited an intense search within economics for novel ways to control the economy via public spending and demand management. This also led to an influx of academic economists with a “Keynesian ethic” to centre-left parties. The interdependence, however, allowed for economics’ politicisation from the 1960s onwards, this then influencing the field’s reorientation away from Keynesianism and towards monetarism and subsequently leading to the emergence and triumph of new party experts possessing a “neoliberal ethic”. Relatively stable interwar economic development, the bourgeoisie’s post-Civil War dominance in the society and academia, and the Finnish economics’ “backwardness” meant that no comparable need for seeking novel solutions existed nor was there responsiveness for the ideas developed abroad. Consequently, no interdependence between the SDP and economics developed in interwar or immediate postwar years. In the 1960s economic experts did gain a central position within the party. But these experts were not connected with the academia nor did the SDP embrace “Keynesian” prescriptions, the party and its experts instead banking on the combination of economic planning and export-led growth strategy. Neither was evidence found of economics’ politicisation as a left-wing discipline. Instead, it was oft precisely the SDP’s economic experts that critiqued “Keynesian” academic economists. In sum, arguably no interdependence between economics and the SDP developed either in this period. Instead, a new hypothesis is posited as an alternative account, namely that the SDP’s neoliberalisation can be better accounted for through the interdependence that developed between the bureaucratic field’s economic institutions and the party. Conjecturally, the interdependence, owing, among other things, to the SDP’s political appointments to the state, was politicised and the ideas of economic planning and the state’s control of the economy’s important elements were discredited in the context of the 1970s economic downturn. The interdependence, however, also led to novel kinds of experts—the state economists—gaining a powerful position within the SDP and making their interpretation of the economy common sense in the party. These experts perceived that their role in politics was to advance the “general interest” of the nation and the amorphous “people”, not any segment of it. With the export businesses hegemonic in society, in effect, this meant an emphasis on their profitability, cost competitiveness, and inflation and subsequently wage repression and budget constraint. The affinities between neoliberal notions and this policy conception and the habit in the Finnish state to conceive the world in terms of “external necessities” meant the state economists possessed great responsiveness to neoliberal ideas. While gaining preliminary support from evidence this hypothesis requires further work on several counts.

Swedish migration policy has undergone a historic shift in the last decade. The aim of this thesis is to gain a deeper understanding of the role of research and researchers in Sweden’s migration policymaking process at a time of heightened politicization and policy change. Based on consensus, the Swedish policy process aims for informed decision making, drawing on research through governmental committees and research institutes. This mixed methods study utilizes a unique data set of 78 Swedish governmental committee reports that discuss migration and integration from 1980 to 2022. This quantitative data traces the number of committees and representation of researchers within these committees. Three expert interviews were conducted to address researchers’ perceived role in policymaking and how changes have impacted the use of research. This thesis employs Paul Sabatier’s Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), focusing on coalitions within the migration subsystem and viewing policy change as a change in values. The expert interviewees highlighted how most researchers hold liberal views on migration, striving for open policies. This thesis found that the influence of researchers was greater when their values aligned with the values of the majority coalition and that researchers’ role was minimal in the shift towards restrictive policies. As migration became a salient issue in Sweden in the 1990s, there was a clear peak in the number of governmental committees and percentages of researchers, indicating that researchers had influence in defining migration policy. These numbers continued relatively high until 2022, but with more significant gaps. Committee reports were increasingly published in the second or third year of the governmental cycle, allowing the reigning government to initiate the committee and to vote on the proposed legislation. As migration became politicized, legislation was expedited, leaving little time for researchers’ input and using research symbolically at best. This was especially evident in the dramatic migration policy changes following the refugee crisis in 2015. This thesis concludes that ACF is an underused theoretical framework for migration subsystems, as explaining the policy process and change through values and beliefs was relevant in the case of Swedish migration policy. The findings illustrate that politicization and shifts in values have limited the role and instrumental influence of researchers in migration policymaking. Nonetheless, Sweden’s committee system and organizations such as Delmi continue to provide a channel for researchers to inform policymaking.