Browsing by department "Department of Political and Economic Studies (2010-2017)"

This thesis aims at analyzing the prospects of delivering transitional gender justice in Mali. Basing on (post-colonial) feminist accounts on transitional justice, this thesis critically analyzes the European Union support for Malian transitional justice process from the perspective of women's rights and gender justice promotion. Supported with empirical data collected in Mali among local civil society organizations and other actors working around transitional justice and human rights, this thesis argues for a holistic and transformational approach to promoting women’s rights within the transitional justice process in Mali. This transformational approach to gender justice takes into consideration the legal realm connected to transitional justice process together with the broader socio-political processes, which establish the foundations for more equitable gender relations in transitional contexts. This case study is a contribution to feminist discussions on transitional justice. Moreover, it aims at a critical scrutiny of European Union's approaches to promote women's rights through transitional justice processes in Sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis takes as its starting point the EU Policy Framework on support to transitional justice and its pledge on gender-sensitive approach to transitional justice. This policy approach follows an increasing concern among academics, practitioners and activists, who have aimed at pointing to gender biases inherent in dominant discourses of and approaches to transitional justice in fragile contexts. The European Union has a multifaceted role in supporting Malian transitional process. The results of the thesis indicate that the current European Union’s action in Mali in relation to transitional justice and gender justice focuses on strengthening the national formal justice system and supporting security sector reform by, for example, infrastructure support and training judicial and security personnel. These results suggest that through its support to the Malian transitional justice the EU is committed to the liberal state- and peacebuilding framework, where women’s rights enhancement and civil society inclusion do play a role, but where the shortcomings of the postcolonial state to deliver gender justice are not fully acknowledged. The results suggest that support for local civil society and conducting awareness-raising initiatives in communities may provide solutions in relation to delivering transitional gender justice and enforcing women’s rights in crisis-torn Mali. Embracing critical notions on the post-colonial state and its shortcomings in relation to women’s rights enforcement in a transitional context, this thesis argues that the EU’s approach to supporting transitional justice in Mali might partly fall short of its broader goals relating to gender justice promotion. These results are more broadly important in the Sub-Saharan African context, where the legacies of colonialism still have a major impact on state- and peacebuilding efforts that are informing transitional justice initiatives and international actors’ interventions regarding transitional peace and statebuilding processes. This thesis is thus a unique contribution to feminist discussions around transitional justice and the European Union support to transitional justice in Sub-Saharan Africa, and the prospects of enforcing women’s rights in Mali.

Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Tutkimuksen tavoite on selvittää kvantitatiivisin menetelmin kotitalouksien luottokulutusta ja siihen liitettyjä velkaongelmia 1980-luvulla tapahtuneen rahoitusmarkkinoiden vapautumisesta lähtien. Tutkimuksen taustalle kuvaan luottotaloudellista kehitystä yhteiskunnallisesta viitekehyksestä. Kutsun tätä viitekehystä ”luottoyhteiskunnan kehityskaareksi”. Kehityskaaressa moraalitaloutta seurasi valtion toimesta säännelty säästötalous, josta irtauduttiin äkisti 1980-luvulla rahoitusmarkkinoiden vapautumisen myötä. Koittaneen vapauden ja 1990-luvun laman rankkojen kokemusten jälkeen pyrittiin tarkemmin ohjaamaan kansan luottokäyttäytymistä erinäisin sääntelykeinoin ja luottotietojen merkitystä korostamalla. Laman jälkeen muovautunut luottoyhteiskunta, jossa kotitalouksien säästäminen on vähentynyt ja luotolla kuluttaminen arkipäiväistynyt, pitää myös sisällään kuluttajien ylivelkaantumisesta aiheutuneet sosiaaliset ongelmat. Kysymyksenasettelun kohdennan siihen, onko pitkittäisessä aikasarjassa havaittavissa merkitsevä yhteys luottokuluttamisen ja maksuvaikeustapauksien (ulosottoasiat ja maksuhäiriöt). Toisen tutkimuskysymykseni reflektoin termiin ”kypsä luottoyhteiskunta”, jota tarkastelen kriittisesti rationalisoitumisen oletuksen vitekehyksestä. Tutkin onko aikasarjoissa tapahtunut murros tai muutos jonain ajankohtana, mikä vittaisi luottoyhteiskunnan kypsymiseen kulutusluottojen ja maksuvaikeuksen kausaalisen yhteyden osalta. Analyysiin perusteella uusilla kulutusluotoilla on aikasarjassa 1990-2009 useilla viivevuosilla kausaalinen ja kasautuva vaikutus kaikkiin vireille tulleisiin ulosottoasioihin. Samalta ajanjaksolta havaitsin kulutusluottokannan aiheuttavan kolmen vuoden viiveellä kaikkiin ulosottoasioihin niitä lisäävän piikin. Yksityisoikeudellisten (sisältäen kulutusluottojen laiminlyödyt maksuvelvoitteet) ulosottoasioiden ja uusien kulutusluottojen aikasarjassa on havaitavissa rakenteellinen murros 1990-luvun puolessa välissä. Murroksesta eteenpäin uudet kulutusluotot alkavat vaikuttamaan kausaalisesti ja kasautuvasti yksityisoikeudellisiin ulosottoasioihin. Uusien kulutusluottojen yhteydessä vuoden aikana rekisteröityihin maksuhäiriöihin voidaan havaita tapahtuneen murros 2000-luvun alussa. Viitteitä aikaisemmista heikommista murroksista voidaan nähdä jo 1990-luvun puolelta välistä saakka – hienovaraisempi muutos aikasarjassa on tapahtunut luultavasti jo 1990-luvun saatossa. Uusien kulutusluottojen kausaalinen yhteys maksuhäiriöihin muutaman viivevuden osalta voimistuu mittausjakson loppua kohden. Varsinkin nuorilla ikäryhmillä, on havaittu tutkimuskentällä erityinen taipumus velkaantumalla joutua maksuvaikeuksiin kulutusluottojen välityksellä. He ovat olleet myös uusien luottoinstrunmenttien innovaatiokäyttäjinä ensimmäisten joukossa suurissa määrin ottamassa vastaan riskialttiimmiksi miellettyjä uusia luottotuotteita, kuten luottokorttiluottoja, pikalainoja ja joustoluottoja. Muutkin maksuvaikeuksiin päätymisen riskiryhmäläisistä, ovat ajatuneet aikaisemman tutkimuksen mukaan helpommin käyttämään näitä riskialttiimpiksi koettuja luottoinstrumentteja. Heille ei ole alhaisen luottoluokituksensa vuoksi tarjolla perushintaisia kulutusluottoja. Kulutusluottomarkkinoilla on epätasarvoinen tilanne luotonsaannin ja siitä maksamisen suhteen - köyhemmät maksavat enemmän. Myös ylipäänsä yhteiskunnan taloudellinen epätasa-arvoistuminen saattaa vaikuttaa kulutusmarkkinoihin luottojen välityksellä, kun vähävaraisemmat tavoittelevat paremmin toimeentulevien kulutustasoa. Tutkimustulokseni viittaavat, siihen että kypsymistä ei tapahtunut kulutusluottojen ja maksuvaikeuksien suhteen rationalisoitumisena laman jälkeen, jos sitä mitataan kulutusluotoista johtuvien ulosottoasioiden ja maksuhäiriöiden kausaalisen yhteyden kannalta. Päinvastoin, tutkimustulokseni erityisesti uusien kulutusluottojen ja yksityisoikeudellisten ulosottoasioiden suhteen vihjailevat jopa kriisiytymisestä. Pitää muistaa kuitenkin, että eihän kyseisiä rekisterimerkintöjä voida tyystin ikinä poistaakaan, sillä ulosotto on prosessina laiminlyödyn maksuvelvoitteen perinnällinen keino ja maksuhäiriömerkintä maksukyvyttömyydestä viestivä negatiivinen luottotieto. Ne säätelevät osaltaan luottomarkkinoita toimivassa luottoyhteiskunnassa. Kuitenkin tutkimustulokseni, aikaisempi tutkimus, median ja julkisten instanssien huolestuneisuus asiaan liittyen antavat vahvan vaikutelman siitä, että laman jälkeen tehdyt toimenpiteet, vaikka erittäin tarpeellisia olivatkin, keskittyivät pääasiassa ylivelkaantuneisuuden jälkihoitoon. Varsinkin kulutusvelkaantumista velkaantumislajina voidaan nähdä laiminlyödyn näissä toimenpiteissä. Kulutusluottojen sääntelyä on viime vuosina tehostettu ylikulutusvelkaantumista ennaltaehkäisevänä keinoina, mutta lainsäädäntätyö on hidasta ja luotontarjonta on usein askeleita edellä. Positiivisten luottotietojen laajamittaisempaa käyttöönottoa yleiseurooppalaiseen tapaan onkin pidetty yhtenä varteenotettavimmista keinoista tunnistaa ennaltakäsin maksuvaikeuksien riskejä nimenomaan kulutusluotoilla tapahtuvan ylivelkaantuneisuuden hallinnassa.

Tässä Helsingin yliopiston valtiotieteellisen tiedekunnan poliittisen historian pro gradu –tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Suomen kansan demokraattisen liiton, SKDL:n sosialistien syntyä 1960-luvun poliittisessa kontekstissa sekä heidän ideologista taustaansa. Tutkielmassa taustoitetaan 1960-lukua edeltänyt sosialistinen kehitys erityisesti Suomessa mutta myös ulkomailla. Tutkielmassa huomioidaan myös erilaiset kansainväliset virtaukset, joiden tuulet ulottivat vaikutuksensa myös suomalaiseen poliittiseen kontekstiin. Suomen vasemmistoa 1960-luvulla leimasi Suomen kommunistisen puolueen (SKP) kahtiajako, Suomen sosialidemokraattisen puolueen (SDP) siirtyminen ”pari piirua vasemmalle”, Kekkosen suhteet Neuvostoliittoon sekä kansanrintamahallitukset. Kaikki nämä yhdessä vaikuttivat myös SKDL:n sosialistien identiteetin muodostumiseen. SKDL:n sosialistit toimivat SKDL:n sisällä Ele Aleniuksen johdolla, järjestäytyen lopulta yhdistykseksi. Omaa puoluetta he eivät kuitenkaan ikinä perustaneet. Tämä johtui erityisesti SKP:n sisäisestä taistelusta, missä SKDL:n sosialistit tukivat enemmistöläisiä. Oma puolue olisi saattanut kääntää valtatasapainon toisinpäin. SKDL:n sosialisteille muodostui kuitenkin oma ideologia, johon vaikutti merkittävästi Ele Aleniuksen ajattelu. Tässä tutkielmassa käydään läpi tuon ideologian syntymiseen ja kehittymiseen johtaneita syitä. Tutkielma on täten ollen aatehistoriallinen tutkimus aleniuslaisen poliittisen ideologian syntymisestä. Tutkielman lähteinä on käytetty aikalaiskirjoituksia, poliittisia muistelmia että aihetta koskevia tutkimuksia. Tutkielman tuloksena piirtyy kuva SKDL:n sosialistien syntymiseen johtuneista syistä sekä liikkeen aseman vakiintumisesta osaksi suomalaisen vasemmiston poliittista kenttää.

This thesis provides a unique perspective on transatlantic relations in the post-Cold War era: the role of the parties. Democratic and Republican party platforms from the 1992 American presidential elections until the 2016 elections are analyzed to reveal differences in their policies towards Europe. The 14 party platforms were chosen as the material because they are the most important documents the political parties produce. Moreover, there is only limited amount of previous research on party platforms since the focus has been on the actions of the administration or on the candidate speeches and debates instead. The analysis is carried out on two levels: comparison over time to reveal intra-party ideological change, and comparison between the parties to reveal inter-party polarization over policies towards Europe. The method of the thesis is mainly data-driven qualitative content analysis. The theoretical background is based on research about party polarization and partisan ideological differences over foreign policy. The analysis shows that the policies towards Europe vary within the party platforms over time. Intra-party ideological policy shifts appear more clearly in the Republican party platforms, whereas the Democratic party platforms showcase a more balanced ideological foundation. The incumbent/challenger role of the party as well as events in international politics have also influenced policy shifts over time. Additionally, the analysis reveals that Democratic and Republican party platforms are somewhat polarized in their policies towards Europe. As predicted, the parties concentrate on slightly different policies, regions, and institutions when referring to Europe. Most importantly, because of their ideological differences, the two parties have differing or even opposing moral evaluations about and treatment recommendations for the policies and the actors. To conclude, this thesis provides new information about the partisan perspective on transatlantic relations. Some say the party platforms are neglected documents that receive little public attention. Their policies will rarely be realized as such in the real world because of the balance of power in the American political system and unexpected events in international politics. Nonetheless, this thesis proves that intra-party ideological contestation and inter-party polarization exist in transatlantic relations.

The study explores why and how is the legitimacy of the mining project in Sokli, Savukoski municipality in North-Eastern Finland contested. The concept and theory of legitimacy is often neglected in research concerning mining and the concepts of acceptance and social license to operate are found in the mainstream of research. The study discusses the possibilities and challenges the theories and concept of legitimacy in the context of mining. Furthermore the Sokli mine is analyzed in the wider context of the expansion of extractive frontier towards perihpheries. This expansion has been desrcibed to be permitted by a new coalition between the state and private corporations. Moreover the new coalition has been linked to a new development paradigm portrayed as (neo-)extractivism. The literature on extractivism has focused strongly to Global South despite the process’ global character. A case study approach is adapted. The data consists of five semi-structured interviews conducted with locals in Savukoski region. Complimenting the interview data, the analysis is extended to four official documents by stakeholders of the possibly forthcoming mine in Sokli. In the light of a diverse combination of legitimacy theory created in this thesis the legitimacy of the Sokli mine is contested primarily on moral grounds. The mine does not fit into the locals’ conception of how the environment ought to be utilized. The mine also makes the development of traditional livelihoods in the area harder. In sum the locals’ vision of the future of the municipality and their conception of development contradicts with the expansion of the extractive industry. Finnish mining legislation is one of the most important structural permitting condition, which in Savukoski is contested and considered illegitimate. On the other hand the mine is supported mainly for it’s possible tax revenue and because it creates jobs. Employmen moreover is a core argument supporting mining in Finland. There have been controversies between estimations and fulfilled revenues and jobs. The environmental disaster and supicious practices by mining authorities in the area were often referenced and the casof Talvivaara had effected attitudes towards mining in Savukoski. The case study demonstrates an exception in the landscape of mostly positive and legitimate attitudes towards mining in Finland. Moreover the global expansion of extractives and the global rush for land have resulted in strong political opposition and mobilization in for example Latin America but not similarly in Finland. The further commodification of nature might in the future lead to political turmoil also in Finland if the legal conditions for mining persist. The larger structural shift away from the Nordic welfare state needs to be further researched in the context of extractive industries.

This Master’s thesis examines the critiques coming from the post-colonial studies that have been produced on the narration of the so-called ”Arab Spring”. The thesis analyzes at what kind of shapes and forms the post-colonial theory takes and how it has been utilized to critique the western narration and representations of the so-called “Arab Spring”. Especially, the thesis considers how these critiques can be utilized in future research and how they produce a deeper understanding of global transformations such as the so-called “Arab Spring”. The thesis presents an analysis of post-colonial theory, focusing mainly on the concepts of “orientalism” and “eurocentrism”. The post-colonial tradition is the main theoretical basis of the critiques used as the main source and analyzed in the thesis. These critiques are presented in large scale in the thesis. The texts are studies using qualitative method of content analysis. The critiques presented in the thesis clearly show that Eurocentric views and ideals as well as orientalist stereotypes and simplifications are hegemonic in the western narrative. These connect to the Eurocentric ideal of modernity. Central argument found in the critiques analyzed in the thesis is that the western grand narrative creates a false ideal of universalism that is produced by neglecting the subaltern voices and critiques. The key finding of the thesis is that at the center of breaking this grand narrative is dismantling the power structures produced by the colonialism through dismantling the false ideal of universalism if we want to achieve a globally just world. At the center of this process of decolonization are the subaltern voices and critiques that are currently pushed to the margins by “the West”. These voices and critiques coming from the Global South need to be recognized and listened to.

Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract In this Master’s thesis I investigate Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) involvement, experiences and outcomes in Madagascar, including the limiting and enabling factors for impact of conservation interventions driven by NGOs. The focal point of the research is the lived experiences from the field, including identification of processes and forces shaping the preconditions for NGO interventions. As part of the research I explore experiences of NGOs from their interventions and from engaging with local communities, government, policy makers and other NGOs in Madagascar. Many NGOs are active in biodiversity hotspots like Madagascar, but evaluation outcomes and lessons learned tend not to be extensively shared across organizations and thematic focus areas. This in turn affects preconditions to influence outcome determinants not only in isolated interventions but also across organizational borders. This study aims to define the situation and the issues faced by NGOs in Madagascar to suggest how the landscape could be navigated to improve the preconditions for long term intervention impact. The purpose is not to evaluate specific projects, but to assess the mechanisms through which the NGO sector can make a significant contribution to conservation, as well as the challenges in doing so. As the analysis seeks to broaden and contextualize the discussion of NGO involvement in conservation interventions, the theoretical framework for the research is based on theory on Non-Governmental Organizations and grounded theory. The theoretical framework facilitates the analysis of the findings, understanding of the results, as well as structuring and highlighting new insights. The theory is complemented with a background assessment of the environmental context in Madagascar, reviewing other research on conservation and its challenges in the country. This helps to understand the dimensions of the challenges, as well as the avenues open for exploration. Insights are gathered from representatives of long-term in situ NGOs to better understand the wider playing field in which they operate. The empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews conducted with 21 representatives from 12 international and local NGOs working with biodiversity conservation in Madagascar. The data was transcribed and analyzed through thematic network analysis and constructivist grounded theory analysis. The interviews were combined with a literature review, a group interview, a field visit to a project site, and more informal conversations with academic researchers and experts in the field. As part of the study, a two-week field trip to Madagascar was undertaken. To present the findings from this research, thematic categorizations were used to illustrate factors that affect outcomes of conservation interventions driven by NGOs. The categories are related to internal organization specific factors, cooperation with other actors (including other NGOs, government and actors in the local communities), as well as the Malagasy environment and politics (including government, laws and policies). The findings reveal challenges especially with systematic coordination of NGO interventions, NGO evaluation practices, resources, as well as issues with implementing sustainable community involvement in project design and decision making. Local community involvement is considered important, but in practice is not fully scaled up and inclusive in terms of decision making and consistent involvement. Findings indicate that the cooperation between NGOs and their key stakeholders works reasonably well from the NGO perspective, but still has potential to be better utilized in order to improve long-term sustainability. Consideration of external constraints is important to assess the potential of different types of interventions and approaches, allowing NGOs to focus their efforts according to the context and their capacities. While acknowledging and navigating the diversity of viewpoints, it is essential to be aware of the impact of structural challenges, the political complexity and the often-conflicting interests between conservation, the commercial and extractive sector, as well as local livelihoods and practices. Findings indicate issues with policy implementation and harmonization, and with conservation prioritization and law enforcement by the government. Local and national ownership and leadership backing is seen as essential for biodiversity conservation, pushing for stronger leadership from within the society. My research provides insights, recommendations and conclusions from which NGOs and conservation actors can gain better understanding of factors impacting interventions, as well as on the Malagasy playing field and its dynamics. This can be helpful in order to capitalize on opportunities and counter challenges, focusing actions on areas that make a difference. The findings can also be of value to other biodiversity conservation researchers, funding agencies, associations, communities and government stakeholders specifically focused on Madagascar. The research may also benefit NGOs and conservation actors involved in other countries, which confront similar challenges concerning conservation, governance, NGO involvement and interventions.

This thesis explores the idea of the creation of political discourse on social media platforms, aiming to address whether social media (and in particular Facebook) under private ownership could be considered forms of Habermasian Public Spheres. A theory of what constitutes a modern Public Sphere is created and then, through a discourse analysis the ideology of Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg is examined in relation to his moderation of the platform and the effect this has on political discourse. This paper finds that under private ownership social media platforms such as Facebook have awarded unprecedented amounts of power over the public discourse to individual, unaccountable private citizens and that this calls into question the validity of these platforms as Public Spheres.

Greenhouse gases can be considered as negative externalities that harm the climate. Externalities can be internalized by setting a tax equal to the marginal damage from the externality; a lesson taught by Pigou already a hundred years ago. Carbon pricing has long been seen as the most prominent tool to fight climate change. In recent decades there have been efforts to agree on a global carbon emission reductions. Although international agreements have been implemented, most of those have lacked either effective quantity goals or adopting of global carbon price. The failure of global agreements is ambiguous, but a tendency to trust on countries altruism in agreeing on costly emission reductions has hardly helped. There are already numerous scientists who have suggested that adopting a single global carbon price would be both relatively easily agreed and sufficient as a tool to restrict global carbon emissions. By adopting a mutual price for carbon, the national authorities would be left with implementing the emission reductive policies. As some countries and unions have adopted carbon pricing schemes, knowledge on the effectivity of those instruments are beginning to emerge. Carbon taxes and cap and trade systems are common mechanisms to implement carbon pricing and in optimal settings, the outcomes of the instruments will be identical. Nevertheless, in practise the outcomes of the instruments depend on the regulative authority’s capability in estimating an effective level for the tax or the emission cap. It is suggested that it is easier to reach an international agreement of a price rather than quantity measure. Although a global single carbon price would likely represent a compromise, having a shadow value of carbon can help in knowing price ranges given by modern models that combine climate science with economical approaches. With carbon taxes the national authorities gain tax revenue, which is a specific benefit with taxes over emission caps. This revenue recycling makes interactions of carbon taxes and specifically labor taxes especially important to investigate. This study goes through the backgrounds of carbon pricing in the perspectives of international agreements, efficiency, modern integrated assessment models and their estimates for the social cost of carbon. Further, we will go through a simple model which shows the interactions of environmental taxation and the economy. The guiding light of the study is especially Weitzman’s (2014) idea of the single carbon price. The study aims on combining the knowledge on carbon pricing and pointing to the urgency for emission mitigative actions to be made.

China has become an important global actor, especially as a partner for countries of the Global South, and it is possible that China will attempt to become a hegemonic world power. This thesis focuses on the possible hegemonic ambitions of the People’s Republic of China and examines the way China frames the international environment and itself as an international actor. Through framing analysis, this thesis seeks to find out what China’s international ambitions are and how they could affect the Global South. A neo-Gramscian framework is utilised to interpret the Chinese rhetoric as an attempt at gathering international support from developing countries for possible pursuit of international hegemony. This thesis features a framing analysis of official Chinese rhetoric. The analysis of a White paper on China’s position in the world and six speeches by high-level Chinese officials concentrates on how China frames international issues and what kind of solutions China proposes. Attention is paid to specific strategies that are used to mobilise support from the developing country audiences and to empower and legitimise China as an international leader. The results reveal two distinct frames presented in the Chinese rhetoric: a frame of global inequality and a frame of common human progress. Blame for current global issues is attributed to the Global North and China is consistently framed as a benevolent, moral actor. The Chinese proposal for a new, more just international order is framed as an expression of the common will of humanity and as a logical result of common human progress. The history of Third World solidarity is employed as a rhetorical tool to convince the Global South of China’s good intentions and trustworthiness. China seems to be trying to gain support from the Global South for its international political agenda. The agenda is presented as advancing the shared interest of the Global South: development. However, when analysing the Chinese rhetoric from a world system theory viewpoint, the promise of development seems empty. The Chinese political programme seems to uphold the existing international system and aims to achieve incremental improvements within it. This could result in some degree of development in some areas, but it does not provide a solution for global poverty and underdevelopment.