Browsing by study line "Asienstudier"

The objective of this thesis is to explore how women are represented in the Chinese TV serial in 2020’s and do the chosen scenes of the serial contribute to construct a positive image of and support patriarchal ideology. The data used for this thesis is from the Chinese TV serial Find yourself (xiayizhan shi xingfu), and eight scenes of it have been chosen for detailed analysis. The serial is aired in 2020, and it is in Chinese. The serial is a romantic comedy addressed for women in Mango online streaming service. The duration of the scenes are from less than two minutes to approximately six minutes and they feature different characters. In the serial, the protagonist, a 33-year-old single and a ‘leftover’ woman, is desperately trying to find love in an urban setting in Shanghai. A leftover woman (Shengnü) is an urban, over 27 years old, highly educated unmarried woman, who according to Chinese media, is a social problem. While the female protagonist of the serial is pondering her choices regarding a partner; she is also pondering choices between traditional patriarchal values and modern individualism. I have chosen film analysis as a method as it seems to provide the clearest ways and means to analyze my research data so that it is possible to seek answers for my research questions. The analysis is made from a feminist perspective. As the theoretical background I am going to draw on semiotics and Third Wave feminist as well as post-feminist works about feminist film theory and representations of women. Patriarchal values in China still promote traditional patriarchal marriage patterns and values women as housewives. As Chinese TV serials reflect the society, these values can be seen also in the serial chosen for this thesis. In China, the media has never been completely free and the CCP has regulated it since the days of Mao Zedong. Because of this, the representations of women are carefully thought out. Based on my analysis I found out that the serial Find Yourself seems to contribute to patriarchal ideology and structures. The most prominent patriarchal structure in the scenes was the promotion of traditional hypergamy. Also, women characters of the serial were constantly portrayed in need of a husband. In the scenes the inferiority of women was created in different cinematic means, such as camera angles, feminine backgrounds and music choices, mise en scene and appearance of the characters. For further research it would be fruitful to study how has the CCP’s ideology and cultural leadership affected the contribution to patriarchal ideology in the serial. Also, a study about the CCP’s objectives of mass persuasion in entertainment addressed to women would be an interesting example of further research of this topic. Another interesting point for examination would be research about audience reception. An interview as a method would reveal what women are feeling about the promotion of patriarchal marriage patterns and about the ‘leftover’ representation of women in the serial.

Our lives are dependent on energy in multiple ways, which is why energy can be considered as one of the basic human needs. We use energy to heat and cool our homes, cook food, power various appliances and devices, lighting, in transportation to fuel vehicles, and in manufacturing of different goods. Modern energy security challenges have become increasingly unpredictable and entangled and they result from a wide range of geopolitical, technical, economic, and natural factors. Climate change is one of the most pervasive challenges that has far-reaching impacts on the planet Earth and the humankind and decarbonisation of the energy sector is a top priority for countries to mitigate the climate change. The main research questions of this thesis are: What are the energy security strategies in the EU solar energy strategy? What is the role of China in global solar PV trade? How does the EU solar energy strategy address the energy security risks in the global solar PV supply chain? I apply qualitative content analysis to analyse the energy security strategies in the EU solar energy strategy published in 2022. I use the energy security theory developed by Cherp and Jewell (2011) that distinguish sovereignty, robustness, and resilience perspectives on energy security, and define energy security as protection from disruptions of energy systems that can jeopardise nationally vital energy systems. Moreover, I examined how discussions on the role of solar energy evolved in EU speeches during 2014-2022. The EU speeches show that solar energy has emerged from describing the progress and need for renewable and solar energy development to one of the most competitive renewable energy resources that can address current and future energy challenges and help in climate change mitigation efforts. The analysis of the EU solar energy strategy indicated strong emphasis on the sovereignty perspective of energy security. On the other hand, there was no significant emphasis between the robustness and resilience perspective. In addition, three new aspects of energy security emerged during the analysis that did not fit into the three perspectives. They were accessibility, affordability, and acceptability of solar energy.

This study centres on co-operation between democracy activists in Hong Kong and Taiwan. It seeks to understand when and how this has developed from occasional connections to more regular and institutionalized collaboration and what has driven this change. It also aims to understand the motivations of activists to work with partners in the other location. Finally, it looks at this co-operation during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) Movement in Hong Kong in 2019 and beyond, using the concept of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and the boomerang pattern as a theoretical framework. This study builds on previous research, news articles, publicly available statistics, statements by Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) (n=47), and 17 interviews with activists and academics. The interviews seek to explain how activist connections have developed over time, what the collaboration has looked like during the Anti-ELAB Movement, and what the motivations have been. The MAC statements have been used to track the Taiwanese authorities’ official reactions to pro-democracy protests or work in Hong Kong. The analysis of the interviews and the statements have sought out thematic patterns or codes that have been used both quantitatively and qualitatively. Democracy activists in Hong Kong and Taiwan began paying more attention to one another during two major social movements in 2012, both relating to China. The co-operation has since intensified during further social movements, and activists on both sides have formed political parties and run for office. During the Anti-ELAB Movement, top politicians and institutions in Taiwan spoke out in support of Hong Kong’s activists, taking the relationship one step further. This study finds that democracy activists in Hong Kong and Taiwan feel they have a lot in common. Key commonalities include a shared opponent in China and an increasing tendency to identify as Hongkongers and Taiwanese, rather than as Chinese. Using the boomerang pattern, this study shows how pro-democracy activists and politicians experience a blockage in Hong Kong. Taiwanese democracy activists have better access to their authorities. They have co-operated with their counterparts in Hong Kong to raise awareness of the Anti-ELAB Movement in Taiwan and to push the Taiwanese authorities to assist Hong Kong protesters and put pressure on Hong Kong’s government. The Taiwanese authorities have offered some assistance to Hong Kong protesters arriving in the country and the MAC has been a vocal critic of the Hong Kong government and the Chinese Communist Party. While the Hong Kong-Taiwan TANs have been partially successful in their efforts in Taiwan, they have been unsuccessful in Hong Kong.

This study sought to find how the Japanese newspaper media address climate change and its impacts, and how they view the government’s decarbonization efforts. The study was also interested in finding what kind of energy sources do the newspaper media support and oppose to reduce the country’s emissions and especially, how do they see nuclear power’s role in this. To answer these questions, editorial articles of three newspapers were analyzed: Yomiuri Shimbun, Asahi Shimbun and Nihon Keizai Shimbun. The analysis contained eighteen editorial articles, six from each newspaper, and they were collected between 2020 and 2022. The analysis was conducted by using Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach, and it was divided into six sections: (1) Suga’s climate pledge on October 26, 2020, (2) the Green Growth Strategy on December 25, 2020, (3) the new emission reduction target by 2030 on April 22, 2021, (4) the Sixth Strategic Energy Plan on July 22, 2021, (5) the end of Glasgow Climate Change Conference on November 15, 2021, and (6) Kishida’s speech for nuclear power on August 24, 2022. The first section analyzed the papers response to the prime minister’s net-zero pledge, while the second section paid attention to the publication of the ministry’s Green Growth Strategy. The third section observed the paper’s stances toward the government’s decision to upgrade the country’s medium-term emission reduction target, and the fourth section analyzed the papers response to the publication of the Sixth Strategic Energy Strategy. The fifth section associated with the Glasgow Climate Change Conference and its commitments, while the final section was about the prime minister’s policy speech on expanding nuclear power. The findings of this study suggests that there are differing views on climate change and the government’s decarbonization measures among the country’s three largest newspapers. These views can roughly be divided into progressive, conservative, and semi-conservative groups, in which Asahi represents progressive, Yomiuri conservative, and Nikkei semi-conservative stance. Asahi addresses climate change with full seriousness, criticizing the government’s backwardness and calling for more ambitious climate policy. It sees renewables as the solution, strongly opposing nuclear power or coal-related energy sources. Yomiuri, on the other hand, takes more cautious approach towards climate issues, giving a rather indifferent impression at times. It gives its support for nuclear power yet does not exclude the possibility using of coal plants equipped with CCUS technology or ammonia co-firing. Nikkei’s stance on climate change is somewhere between these two yet clearly more conservative than progressive. It also supports nuclear power and coal-firing by alternative methods, but it shows more interests in renewables than its conservative competitor.

This thesis examines Japanese castle reconstructions in the Heisei (1989–2019) and Reiwa eras (2019–) and links them to the ideas of cultural heritage and authenticity in traditional architecture. Japanese castles are opportune for examining the development of the role of architecture in cultural heritage throughout history. The role of castles as symbols of authority and later as symbols of local culture and history has changed according to the fluctuations of time and the needs of the contemporary people and thoughts. After majority of the feudal castles were demolished during Japan’s modernization, there have been three distinctive “booms” during which castles have been reconstructed. In the post-war era, dozens of ahistorical concrete replicas of castles were rebuilt concrete as local town symbols, and to many they symbolized the rebuilding of post-war Japan. From the early 1990s, however, a new castle boom has taken place, with the reconstructions emphasizing on using wood and historical evidence. Most notable of these reconstruction projects is the Nagoya Castle reconstruction project, in which the post-war concrete castle tower is to be demolished and rebuilt from wood using original methods and historical plans. This thesis examines these reconstructions in contemporary Japan, aiming to understand how authenticity and cultural heritage are related to this ongoing boom. In this study, a country-wide visitor survey on 10 Japanese castle sites was conducted, supported by two expert interviews from supervisors of two Heisei era castle reconstructions in Ōzu and Kakegawa cities. The findings supported the hypothesis, which suggested that the current appeal of castles is linked not only to their symbolic value to the castle towns, but also their value as objects of cultural heritage. This is why “authentic”, wooden reconstructions are preferred, which was evident from the visitor surveys, as all the respondents favored wooden reconstructions over concrete ones. Furthermore, majority of the respondents wished for more authentic castle reconstructions to be built.

During its history HIV has changed from a death sentence to a medical condition manageable with treatment. As knowledge about the virus has spread it has brought about a change in attitudes. Knowledge promotes understanding and does away with fear. However, in China awareness about HIV/AIDS remains to be lacking among ordinary people. Non-governmental organisations have an important role as norm adapters. What is the role of NGOs in China in relation to HIV/AIDS advocacy? Arguments for further inclusion of civil society organisation in HIV/AIDS policy making is supported by UNAIDS. A human rights framework has entered the global discourse around the topics of AIDS prevention and reducing the stigma related to the disease. The aim of this thesis is to explore the manifestations of stigma and the reasons behind it. This is done through looking at the history of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in China and how it has shaped the image Chinese people have about individuals living with the disease. These constructed, discriminatory attitudes affect the lives of people living with HIV/AIDS negatively in numerous ways. They also endanger the realisation of the human right to health. Effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the overall HIV/AIDS situation in the country are examined as a phenomenon not void of stigma. While it affected the whole population, its effects on the individuals living with HIV/AIDS was amplified by previous discriminatory practices. Research done in this thesis supports the notion that the continuous discrimination and stigmatisation of HIV/AIDS and the people living with the disease sustains an environment where further infections can not be avoided. To address this situation the Chinese government should focus on stigma reduction in combination with long-term treatment plans.

In the 21st century Japan has been experiencing massive demographic changes. The country’s birth rate is low, and the population is steadily aging. Women are increasingly needed in the labour force in order for Japan to prosper despite these changes. However, for a long time there has been different type of gender-based employment and hiring practices, which have affected women’s employment and careers in Japan. Due to these practices and Japanese work culture, many women end their careers when they get married or have their first child. Additionally, many women are working part-time. The impact of these gendered divisions of labor can be noted in gender pay gaps and promotion practices. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the employment and hiring practices are changing in Japan and how Japanese work culture and women’s role in it have changed in the last few decades. I interviewed three sets of mothers and daughters about their career dreams and experiences in the Japanese labor market. I also examined the influence of one’s mother on individual’s career decisions. In the theory segment, I review Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital which examines how individuals reproduce, embody and aggregate knowledge in the social field. In this study Bourdieu’s theory works as an example of how one’s family and social status can affect their education, employment, and future success. The findings of this study are that Japanese women are often affected by their mothers, family dynamics, and social environment when it comes to employment plans and dreams. Both the mothers and the daughters think that the employment opportunities for Japanese women have increased in recent years and that many companies in Japan seem to be changing their culture and habits to achieve better gender equality. However, there is requirement for more varied sets of work-related role models for women to feel more secure and confident in various areas of labor and work positions. Additionally, flexibility from employers, as well as partnership and participation of husband in child rearing and housework, is required for mothers to be able to continue working.

This thesis deals with three official visits by Finnish parliamentarians to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the 1970s and 1980s. The first visit was made by a delegation from the Finnish group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) in 1972, a few months before Finland recognised both North and South Korea. The second visit, led by Speaker Sukselainen, was in 1975, and the last official parliamentary visit was in 1984, led by Speaker Pystynen. In the early 1970s, North Korea applied to join the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an organization founded by British and French parliamentarians in the late 19th century to bring together members of democratically elected parliaments. The DPRK Supreme People's Assembly's application was not immediately accepted - even though parliamentarians from several other socialist countries had already joined the IPU. The Finnish group of the IPU was ready to accept the North Koreans in the spirit of a détente - and, perhaps, also under the influence of Finlandization, which permeated Finnish foreign and, to some extent, domestic policy at the time. All three visits have been examined chronologically, focusing on the two meetings with "Supreme Leader" Kim Il Sung. Three participants in the 1972 visit have been interviewed and the results analysed. The thesis is based on unpublished reports of three visits, interviews, and handwritten notes from audiences with Kim Il Sung. A memorandum on the audience with President Kekkonen is also among the primary sources. The method used to examine the material was archival research (Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Parliament, and the National Library of Finland), source analysis, and content analysis. The research question is: How did the three official visits of Finnish parliamentary delegations to the DPRK during the Cold War and Finlandization era contribute to the establishment and development of Finnish diplomatic and other relations with Kim Il Sung’s North Korea? The thesis describes and analyses the content of the three visits, including interviews with three participants of the 1972 visit and the audience with President Kekkonen, with particular focus on the main discussions and the meetings with Kim Il Sung. Relations with North Korea were virtually non-existent in 1972. It was therefore natural to try to develop them through exchanges of high-level political and economic delegations that mapped out the terrain and prepared the ground for experts. In this broad context, official delegations from the Finnish Parliament also had a role to play. Given the extensive networks of Finnish MPs, they acted as conduits for further political, economic, and cultural relations between Finland and North Korea. The thesis shows that North Koreans, including Kim Il Sung, were genuinely interested in developing trade and technological cooperation with Finland. He even specified several potential areas for this cooperation. It also shows that President Kim and other North Korean leaders were trying to create the impression that there was no imminent danger of war on the Korean Peninsula, at least not from the northern side, which would have hindered exchanges between North Korea and Finland. Moreover, the thesis reveals that both Finnish diplomats and Members of Parliament were impressed by the various achievements of the North Koreans, although Kim Il Sung had characterised his country as still developing. Contextually, this thesis aims to explore a clearly delineated part of the political history of the Cold War, namely the phenomenon of Finlandization, i.e. Finland's subordinate policy as a small country neighbouring the Soviet superpower, and how Finlandization influenced the establishment of diplomatic relations with a country as distant as North Korea.