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Browsing by study line "Globaali kehitystutkimus"

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  • Autio, Maria (2022)
    This thesis examines the contemporary relations between the European Union and Africa in the context of the Post-Cotonou Agreement, which will guide the relations for the next 20 years. The current European Commission has expressed an aspiration to shift the relations towards representing an equal partnership. This thesis studies how the objective materializes in practice. It explores the changes introduced by the Post-Cotonou Agreement and examines how the agreement and its negotiations succeed in representing the relations as an equal partnership. The study focuses on the agreement’s aspects of development policy, examining how matters of political conditionality and ownership impact the relations. It also explores the motivations behind European Union-Africa development policy. To answer these questions, the study analyses the negotiated agreement text of the Post-Cotonou Agreement and its predecessor, the Cotonou Partnerships Agreement. In addition, it analyses published texts focusing on the agreement and its negotiations, mostly written by academics and officials who have followed the negotiation process closely. Both the agreements and the published texts are analyzed through qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the changes brought by the Post-Cotonou Agreement are mainly rhetorical. It puts increased emphasis on terms that underline the equalness of the partnership but pays even less attention to the ownership of African countries than its predecessor. The involvement of political conditionality raised debate in the negotiations, bringing forward how they undermine the partnerships agenda. Nevertheless, they have received even more recognition in the new agreement, as was desired by the European Union. The agreement also presents additional thematic contents that many African countries were against in the negotiations. The findings on the negotiation process highlight the existing power imbalances in the relations, as the European Union was able to use its leverage to negotiate better terms in matters it perceives important. However, the African side was stricter than before in holding on to its objectives in the negotiations, which shows its improved position in them. Yet, the analysis finds that Africa’s position was anticipated to be significantly better than it was, but certain intra-African disputes and hopes to maintain continuity of development funding were observed to deteriorate it. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the European Union’s rhetoric about equalizing the relations, contemporary European Union-Africa relations do not represent an equal partnership. The findings suggest that the European Union is more interested in promoting its global image and self-interests than it is in equalizing the relations with Africa, demonstrating how the Union’s attitudes towards Africa have remained largely similar as before. The Post-Cotonou Agreement and its negotiations provide a clear example of the structural dependence between Africa and the European Union that impairs possibilities for a profound change in the relations.
  • Paz, Maria (2023)
    This thesis examines water grabbing for the avocado agribusiness in the Petorca River located in Central Chile. I argue that avocado agribusiness has turned into what I will call avocado extractivism. Avocado agribusiness functions within an extractive export-development model that perpetuates coloniality under the current economic and political world system. Avocado extractivism alters the bodies, minds, and eco-social spaces of humans and other-than-humans. Furthermore, avocado extractivism prolongs gender, race, and indigeneity inequalities ingrained in Chilean society since colonial times. The research questions that allowed me to unravel the eco-social vulnerabilities and barrenness created by avocado production are the following: • What has the avocado agribusiness done in Petorca? • Why has the expansion of avocado plantations been promoted as development? • How has avocado extractivism impacted communities in the Petorca Province? Through ethnographic observations and semi-structured interviews, I carried out a thematic analysis that led to the following global themes: Mentality of inquilinaje; imaginary of development; accumulation by dispossession; encounters and contentions between water ontologies; barrenness; resistances; alternatives to avocado extractivism, and the political agency of water. These themes explain how avocado extractivism exists thanks to a water governance system that privatizes water and separates water and land rights stated in Pinochet’s 1980 constitution. Under this legal structure, avocado producers maneuver the current water code to accumulate water and land to grow avocado plantations. Unfortunately, this process has exacerbated vulnerabilities among humans and other- than-humans in the area. I conclude that avocado extractivism is, in essence, maldevelopment supported by the Chilean state and immersed in the global development apparatus that serves the global capitalist system. Avocado extractivism works within a neoliberal framework reinforced by the coloniality of power and unequal power relations between the Global South and the Global North. Furthermore, this thesis examined resistance and alternatives to avocado extractivism articulated by grassroots and eco-feminist movements. These alternatives contest the dominant ontology of water as a natural resource by proving that a more harmonious future is possible if a multiverse of onto- epistemic perspectives participates in the design of water governance. Ultimately, the resistances and alternatives to avocado extractivism aim at introducing relationality in the existences of humans and other-than-humans in Petorca.
  • Dapaah-Agyemang, Eugene (2023)
    The goal of this research was to investigate the varying impacts a social movement like the Black Lives Matter has on Finnish society and if these impacts manifest as social of developmental change and what role the media plays regarding the Black Lives Matter movement and how representation in the media can influence the movements success. The focus of my research was the BLM protest in Helsinki on June 2020. My research questions were, “How can social activist movements like Black Lives Matter affect development and societal change in Finland.” and “What role does the media have in the Black Lives Matter movement and does the media impact the movement’s ability to achieve its goals?” My research data consisted of Finnish media articles centered around the BLM protest in June 2020 and the aftermath of the event. The data consisted of articles 33 articles from 10 news agencies, which provided information from varying perspectives. Additionally, my data included a legal document mentioned in several articles from the Parliamentary Ombudsman. I conducted my analysis using content analysis. My theoretical framework of reference to help me conduct my research and support my analysis consisted of Critical Race Theory, Intersectionality and Social Constructionism. The data clearly showed that the movement had undeniable direct and indirect effects in the form of speech around racism and changing public perception by increasing awareness about social inequalities. There were clear indications of the transformative nature of the movement because of the shared experience black people faced all over the world, which allowed members of the Finnish society to discuss and shine a light on their experiences with racism. There are clear distinctions between the BLM movement in the United States and Finland, which manifested in the data as minimalizing racism in Finland. The media plays a major role in how the movement is represented and how the movements goals are achieved. There are clear indications to protest paradigms, which are how the media negatively represents social movements by focusing on violence, discrediting the message and other negative practices. In conclusion, social movements can act as agents of social change, increase awareness, and improve social conditions that racism creates, but developmental and political change require long term goals and clear objectives. Finland does not have the same systemic issues of racism as the United States, which led me to conclude that developmental goals were not feasible.
  • Kähkönen, Lauri (2023)
    Boko Haram – nousu ja uho -tutkielma selvittää Pohjois-Nigeriassa toimivan terroristijärjestö Boko Haramin rekrytointimenetelmiä, Nigerian pohjoisten osavaltioiden rakenteellisia ongelmia ja sitä miten näitä ongelmia on mahdollista korjata. Tutkielma pyrkii vastaamaan kysymykseen millaiset premissit ajavat ihmisiä liittymään Boko Haramiin. Tutkielman tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty laadullista sisällönanalyysia, jonka luoman viitekehyksen kautta tutkija on tulkinnut tutkimusaineistoa. Tutkimuksen aineistolähteet koostuvat Nigeriaa ja Boko Haramia käsittelevästä kirjallisuudesta, tieteellisistä artikkeleista sekä aikalaislähteistä. Tutkielman analyysiluvuissa yksilöiden premissejä on tulkittu tutkimusaineistoista nousevien teemojen mukaan, minkä jälkeen tutkijan on ollut mahdollista tehdä laajempi sisältöanalyysi eri premisseiden kerrannaisvaikutuksista osana Boko Haramiin liittymiselle. Tutkielman osoittaa, että Boko Haramiin liittymisen taustalla on harvoin yhtä selittävää tekijää, kuten esimerkiksi työttömyys. Liittyminen on lähes poikkeuksetta useiden eri premissien summa, jossa korostuvat tulevaisuuden heikot näkymät, osattomuus yhteiskunnassa, epäluottamus Nigerian keskushallintoon sekä oman kansan identiteettiin ja kulttuurin puolustamiseen liittyvät teemat. Boko Haramiin liittyvää konfliktia ei voida näin ollen ratkaista puhtaasti sotilaallista voimaa käyttämällä, vaan Nigerian olisi kyettävä vahvistamaan Pohjois-Nigerian osavaltioiden yhteiskunnallisia rakenteita sekä luomaan luottamussuhde kansalaisten ja valtionhallinnon välillä.
  • Pousi, Matti August Oskari (2021)
    The ecological crisis is ravaging the planet. Governments and businesses have set carbon neutrality targets as part of a necessary green transformation. One promising negative emission technology is based on biochar, which has created excitement in the voluntary carbon markets. However, the voluntary carbon markets and carbon sequestration with biochar both stand at a crossroads. There is currently no regulation that would govern the markets. Only voluntary standardizations and the sellers and buyers’ conscience provide directions for the quality of offsets and real carbon cuts achieved. In addition, the production of high-quality biochar remains at a low level. This thesis contributes to the research on green transformations by examining critically the expectations and promises related to biochar and voluntary carbon markets. The focus of this study is on the framings and discourses related to the role of biochar and the voluntary carbon markets in low-carbon pathways. The main research question is: What are the different narratives and perspectives on the role of biochar and voluntary carbon markets in sustainable low-carbon pathways? To answer this, I have identified and interviewed the main actors and stakeholders in the supply chain of biochar-based offsets as well as analyzed key policy and research documents that take part in the biochar offset related discourses. The research approach draws from two theoretical frameworks: the sustainable pathways approach developed by Melissa Leach, Ian Scoones, and Andy Stirling and Maarten Hajer’s critical discourse analysis on environmental policy. These frameworks are used to analyze the informant interviews and policy and research documents. It is found out that there are five discursive patterns shaping the discourses related to biochar and the voluntary carbon markets: biochar as a magic bullet, market-led low-carbon pathway, techno-managerialism, traces of more transformative greening, and climate-centrism. Techno-managerialism is the most distinctive feature of the biochar and voluntary carbon market discourse. Together, the five patterns shape the way in which biochar and the voluntary carbon markets are perceived, how policy problems related to them are defined and framed, and finally, what type of policy solutions are formulated.
  • Urvas, Anniina Sofia (2023)
    The European Green Deal (EGD) is a response to multiple ecological problems caused by human activities, most notably climate change. Some of the main goals of the EGD is to reach net zero in emissions by 2050 and an economic growth decoupled from resource use. To do that, the EU is aiming to transform its energy system by moving away from fossil fuels to a renewable energy provision. Realising these goals would, however, translate into a drastic increase in raw material demand needed for renewable technologies. Extracting these materials is associated with severe socio-environmental effects. This thesis uses Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis combined with the theory of environmental justice to carry out an explanatory critique of the European Green Deal from a global environmental justice perspective. The material consists of the main communication from the European Commission on the European Green Deal paired with EU publications on critical raw materials and the Just Transition Mechanism. The thesis critically assesses the justice implications of the European Green Deal, which to a large extent relies on a dramatic increase in extractivism outside of the Union, reproducing unequal power relations between regions in forms of ecologically unequal exchange, ecological debt and green sacrifice zones. The analysis aims to study what elements of the EGD discourse contribute to this problem and make it discursively possible. The analysis finds out that the discursive understandings of ‘green’ economy, ‘clean’ energy, and a ‘just’ transition may conceal the sustained resource intensiveness of the economic system, the unequally distributed environmental justice issues related to the production of renewable technologies, and the lack of global perspective in the ‘justness’ of the transition to renewables. By pointing out how the European Green Deal discourse may reinforce the excessive increase in extractivism outside of the Union, the thesis underlines the role and responsibility of the EU in mining ventures outside of its borders and related negative consequences of the energy transition.
  • Tarvainen, Liina (2022)
    Uganda’s recent oil discoveries have been described as one of the largest onshore findings in Africa within the past 20 years. It has been estimated that there are 6.5 billion barrels of oil in the Albertine Graben, of which about 1.4 are recoverable. Since the foreign and national stakeholders have launched their oil investment projects, concerns around human and environmental rights violations have been raised internally and internationally. Whereas much scientific work has been produced on oil in Africa, most of this can be placed under the concise umbrella of resource blessing and resource curse. The approach of ‘extractivism’ has come to challenge this simplistic dichotomy, but most of the work about extractivism focuses on Latin America. This thesis, thus, contributes to this growing body of literature. It does so by investigating the discourses that the Ugandan state and the transnational corporation TotalEnergies utilize to promote extractivism in Uganda. More specifically, this thesis aims to answer two questions, namely, what justification methods does the Ugandan state use to legitimate oil extractivism in the Lake Albertine region, and how does the oil corporation Total reproduce narratives of extractivist mindset in legitimizing its operations in the Albertine Graben? Data were collected from policy documents, newspaper articles, and website material. The methods of critical discourse analysis and content analysis and the approaches of extractivism and postcolonialism are applied. The findings show that the Ugandan state legitimates oil through five discourses, namely: economic arguments, employment and social arguments, no substantial ecological effects arguments; statements for energy poverty, energy security, and just transition; and stigmatizing critics arguments. Total uses three distinct discourses, namely, self-regulation and best practice, social and developmental arguments, and no substantial ecological effects arguments. These discourses, while reproducing the extractivist mindset, should be taken seriously as they have severe implications for the wider world.
  • Pönni, Pauliina Sofia (2022)
    This thesis is a contribution to the discussion on globalising education. Empirically, it focuses on the context of Finland and particularly, on Finnish actors engaging in education projects in the Global South. Today, every child’s right to education is widely acknowledged, and the aim of all children receiving formal education is a global goal that rarely is contested. Between 2001 and 2011 access to education improved with 20%. However, the fast improvement of access has had its consequences, and today 60% of all children that go to school do not reach the required numeracy and literacy skills. This has come to be called ‘the learning crisis’ both in educational sciences and in the field of global development. This thesis highlights two pitfalls related to solving the learning crisis, namely that of Westernising the world and that of enhancing an unsustainable relationship with nature. The idea of a learning crisis presupposes that all children should learn universalised and standardised skills, and consequently this thesis asks whether this actually is the best outcome. Currently, the content of schooling remains distant to many children as it rarely is locally created, but rather globally or at best nationally. The same applies to language, as the medium of instruction often is a former colonial language rather than the learner’s mother tongue or heritage language. More specifically, this thesis examines how Finnish actors engage in global education projects, and the aim of this work is to obtain an overview of where Finnish education development actors stand in relation to solving the global learning crisis. The research questions centre around the participants’ inclusion of locals in their work, their knowledge about the local context, and their perception of their role. Semi-structured interviews with 15 education experts engaging in education development projects in the Global South were carried out in January 2021. The critical theoretical frameworks of post-development and decolonial theories guide the discourse analysis of the collected data. Together, the main findings in this research demonstrate how current ways of globalising education still relay almost without exception on Western epistemology while other epistemologies are neglected. The results suggest that the most common way to ameliorate the quality of schooling, is by arranging teacher trainings for local teachers, while neither the content of schooling nor the language of instruction is in focus. In order to contribute to solving the learning crisis, this study suggests that practitioners in the field of education development in the Global South should increasingly engage in projects in which the main focus is the learner’s mother tongue and the content of schooling, as well as engage more in lobbying on the state level in order to encourage inclusive education policy.
  • Laakso, Elias (2023)
    Tämä maisterin tutkielma analysoi Suomen historian suurinta nälänhätää. Kylmien keväiden, loppukesien yöpakkasten ja sateisten syksyjen vuoksi Suomi koki kaksi peräkkäistä katovuotta 1695 ja 1696. Sadot olivat huonoja myös muualla Ruotsin valtakunnassa, ja pääsy kansainvälisiin viljamarkkinoihin oli rajallinen, joten alueelle ei voitu kuljettaa riittävästi korvaavaa ruokaa. Puute oli ajanut monet ihmiset vaeltamaan kaupunkeja kohti kerjäten ruokaa. He toivat mukanaan tauteja, kuten punatautia, lavantautia ja pilkkukuumetta, jotka lisäsivät kriisin tappavuutta. Noin 130 000 ihmistä kuoli näinä vuosina, karkeasti neljäsosa väestöstä. Tämä tutkielma keskittyy tarkastelemaan sitä, kuinka nälänhätä vaikutti eri sosiaalisten ja ammatillisten ryhmien toimeentuloon ja selviytymiseen, jota ei ole aiemmin systemaattisesti tutkittu. Tutkielma käyttää analyysin teoreettisena viitekehyksenä Amartya Senin muotoilemaa oikeuksien lähestymistapaa. Tässä viitekehyksessä nälänhätiä ei tarkastella niinkään koko väestön tasolla, vaan niitä analysoidaan yksilöiden ja varsinkin sosiaalisten ja ammatillisten ryhmien näkökulmasta. Lähestymistapa kysyy, kenellä oli ja kenellä ei ollut mahdollisuutta saada ruokaa nälänhädän aikana ja miksi. Nälänhädissä ruokaa on kyllä saatavilla, mutta pääsy niukkaan ruokaan määräytyy yhteiskunnallisesti. Historiallisten nälänhätien teoreettinen ymmärrys voi antaa välineitä tulevaisuuden nälänhätien ennakoimiseen ja ehkäisemiseen ekologisten kriisien kanssa kamppailevassa maailmassa. Tutkielma argumentoi, että erityisesti maattomilla maaseudun asukkailla oli heikoimmat mahdollisuudet hankkia ruokaa nälänhädän aikana. Heillä ei ollut suoria oikeuksia ruokaan, koska vaikka he viljelivät maata, heillä ei ollut omistusoikeutta kasvattamiinsa satoihin. Lisäksi heillä oli heikko asema kaupassa köyhyyden ja nousevien elintarvikehintojen vuoksi. Yhtä lailla kruunulta tai muilta tahoilta maat vuokraavilla maanviljelijöillä ei ollut oikeutta kasvattamaansa ruokaan, minkä vuoksi heidän mahdollisuutensa saada riittävästi ruokaa olivat heikot. Niillä maanomistajilla, joilla ei ollut hedelmällisiä vaihtoehtoisia elinkeinoja, kuten kalastusta, tervanpolttamista tai kauppaa, oli vaikeuksia kerätä tarpeeksi ruokaa selviytyäkseen. Korkeammat säädyt kärsivät myös niukkuudesta, mutta eivät samassa määrin kuin yhteiskuntahierarkian alapäässä olevat ihmiset. Nälänhätä ei aiheuttanut samanlaista puutetta koko maassa, joten yksilön sosiaalisen aseman lisäksi hänen sijaintinsa määritti tärkeästi hänen pääsynsä ruokaan. Pohjoiset alueet kärsivät eniten sadonkorjuun epäonnistumisista, kun taas joillain eteläisillä ja rannikon alueilla jopa maattomilla ihmisillä saattoi olla mahdollisuudet hankkia riittävät määrät ruokaa. Ihmisten mahdollisuudet selviytyä niukkuudesta olivat kuitenkin myös yksilöllisiä 1690-luvun suomalaisen agraarisen yhteiskunnan monimutkaisen luonteen vuoksi, jossa oli runsaasti vaihtoehtoisia elinkeinoja ja epävirallisia solidaarisuusverkostoja. On kuitenkin tärkeää muistaa, että ruoan saatavuus ja sen puute eivät suoraan selitä nälänhädän kuolleisuutta, sillä kriisin loppupuolella ihmiset kuolivat lähinnä epidemioihin.
  • Huotari, Esa Ilmari (2022)
    Market relations are never natural, nor are they born without coercion, social tension and violence. This thesis contributes to the critical research on market creation and takes part in the discussion of how our written economic history is based on myths and outright lies. Looking beyond the conventional stories of money’s origins, myth of unilinear development and narratives of universal tendencies to exploit one’s surroundings, this thesis draws from heterodox monetary theory and strong anthropological evidence. It explores the inherently political nature of market creation or “forced markets” through a case study of monetizing colonial Nigeria’s markets. The focus is in asking “why?” rather than merely describing the process. This thesis examines on the other hand the variety of indigenous ways to arrange economies on local level and on the other hand the violent processes through which Western colonial powers sought to monetize these economies and indoctrinate the local populations. In other words, how to make “them” like “us”. In the heart of this thesis are the writings of the High Commissioner of the Northern Nigeria Protectorate (1900-1906) and Governor of unified colonies of Nigeria (1912-1914), Frederick Lugard. From his writings I extract the answer to my question of why these economies had to be monetized, whether it was done to make the colony fiscally profitable or to “civilize” the local population by imposing the Western model of control and habits of work on them. Since the material on hand is waiting to be interpreted through the context of heterodox theories of money and “forced markets”-approach, a hermeneutic positioning in the analysis is an obvious choice. It also complements my constructionist ontology and an interpretivist epistemology. This thesis highlights the role of European intellectual history as a driving force of racist discourses and thus as a justification for the atrocities carried out around the world in the name of progress and civilization. This “European superiority” and “native inferiority” is so deep-rooted in Western mindscape, that although much of this work concentrates mainly on historical matters, the legacy of this intellectual history and its byproducts must be addressed. Are we carrying the tradition of “white man’s burden” in the footsteps of Lugard and others’ like him?
  • Yrjönen, Saana (2023)
    Tämä maisterintutkielma pyrkii osoittamaan pakkoavioliittoihin liittyviä globaaleja keskinäisriippuvuuksia ja laajentamaan käsitystä ilmiöstä Suomessa. Erityisesti tutkielma pyrkii ymmärtämään, kuinka asiantuntijat konstruoivat pakkoavioliitosta poistumisen haasteita Suomessa ja miten nämä suhteutuvat intersektionaalisuuteen sekä teoriaan ja pakon ja suostumuksen jatkumosta pakkoavioliitossa. Pakkoavioliitot ovat nousseet ilmiönä yhä enemmän esille Suomessa, mutta tutkimus aiheesta on ollut vähäistä ja ilmiöön liittyy paljon vääristyneitä ja haitallisia uskomuksia pakkoavioliitoista tiettyjen globaalin etelän maiden, kulttuurien tai vähemmistöjen ongelmana. Näin ollen tutkielma on paitsi ajankohtainen, niin Suomessa kuin kansainvälisestikin, tarjoaa myös kaivatun näkökulman, sillä tutkimus pakkoavioliitoista poistumisesta on puutteellista, eikä teoriaa pakon ja suostumuksen jatkumosta ole aikaisemmin hyödynnetty yhtä systemaattisesti etenkään Suomessa. Tutkielman teoreettisena viitekehyksenä toimii teoria pakon ja suostumuksen välisestä jatkumosta pakkoavioliitossa sekä Crenshaw’n intersektionaalinen lähestymistapa. Jatkumoteoria painottaa, että pakon ja suostumuksen välinen raja ei ole useinkaan selvärajainen tai helposti määriteltävissä, sillä pakkoavioliitot ovat monikerroksinen ilmiö, jossa pakko tapahtuu usein prosessinomaisesti. Tutkielma tunnustaakin merkityksen ymmärtää myös solmimisen hetken ulkopuolella tapahtuva pakko ja nähdä suostumuksen konsepti läpi avioliiton kestävänä osana pakkoavioliiton ja järjestetyn avioliiton välistä erottelua. Merkittävää on, onko henkilöllä aito mahdollisuus kieltäytyä avioliitosta sitä ennen ja sen aikana. Intersektionaalinen lähestymistapa puolestaan ottaa huomioon pakkoavioliittojen uhriksi joutuneiden henkilöiden ja tekijäosapuolten moninaiset taustatekijät ja tukee näkemystä ilmiön moninaisuudesta. Näin ollen tutkielma kontribuoi paitsi feministisen ja sukupuolittuneita kehityskysymyksiä käsittelevän kehitystutkimuksen, myös oikeudellisen pluralismin saralla. Globaali kehitystutkimus antaa myös kaivatun, globaalia kietoutuneisuutta osoittavan näkökulman pakkoavioliittoihin. Tutkielman aineisto koostuu pakkoavioliiton uhriksi joutuneiden henkilöiden parissa työskentelevien asiantuntijoiden kanssa kesän ja syksyn 2022 aikana tehdyistä teemahaastatteluista sekä heidän lausunnoistaan liittyen hallituksen esitykseen pakkoavioliittojen erilliskriminalisoinnista, mutta haastateltujen anonymiteetin säilyttämiseksi suoria lainauksia esitetään vain haastatteluaineistosta. Tutkimusaineiston analysointiin käytetään teoriaohjaavaa sisällönanalyysiä, jonka mukaisesti aineiston analysoinnissa hyödynnetään sekä tutkimuksen teoriaa, että aineistosta nousevia havaintoja. Tutkimustulokset esitetään sisällönanalyysin avulla löytyneiden teoreettisten käsitteiden avulla. Sisällönanalyysin perusteella voidaan havaita, että pakkoavioliiton uhriksi joutumiseen vaikuttavat monet erilaiset intersektionaaliset tekijät, sekä, että pakon konsepti on pakkoavioliitoissa binäärin sijaan liukuva osoittaen ilmiön moninaisuutta. Tämä näkyy myös tarkasteltaessa asiantuntijoiden näkemyksiä pakkoavioliitosta poistumisen haasteista. Yleisiä haasteita ovat tunnistamisen vaikeus, pakon ja suostumuksen moniulotteiselle jatkumolle sijoittuvat erilaiset, vaikeastikin tunnistettavat pakottamisen keinot, uhrilähtöisyyden puute lainsäädännössä ja rikosprosesseissa sekä haasteiden pitkäkestoisuus ja kokonaisvaltaisuus. Asiantuntijoiden mukaan ratkaisuina näihin haasteisiin ovat erityisesti tiedon lisääminen, uhriksi joutuneeseen henkilöön ja tekijäosapuoleen kohdistuvat ratkaisut sekä lainsäädännölliset ratkaisut, kaikkein tärkeimpänä yksilöllisyyden huomioiminen. Ilmiön moninaisuuden ja siihen vaikuttavien erilaisten taustatekijöiden ymmärtäminen ovat avainasemassa etsittäessä ratkaisuja, sillä muuten riskinä on, että Suomessa luodaan tasa-arvopolitiikkaa, joka ei ole tosiasiassa tasa-arvoista tiettyjä vähemmistöjä kohtaan. Tutkielma osoittaa, että pakkoavioliittoja on hedelmätöntä tarkastella vain yhdestä näkökulmasta tai nähdä tiettyihin konteksteihin rajattuna ilmiönä, sillä ilmiöön liittyy vahva globaalin etelän ja pohjoisen yhteen kietoutuminen, joissa yhdistävänä tekijänä ovat patriarkaaliset rakenteet. Lisäksi tutkielma ilmentää kehitystutkimuksellisen klassikon, riippuvuusteorian merkityksen yhä tänä päivänä myös pakkoavioliittojen kaltaisia ilmiöitä tarkasteltaessa osoittaen tieteenalan relevanssia pakkoavioliittojen tutkimukseen sekä tarvetta lisätä ja laajentaa ilmiöön kohdistuvaa tutkimusta.
  • Patanen, Anita (2023)
    On 26th of March in 2020 South Africa headed into lockdown in the start of Covid-19 pandemic impacting more severely the wellbeing of the most disadvantaged groups in the society. The structural characteristics of the social protection system that people had to rely on created many challenges putting the beneficiaries even more at risk contracting the virus. Existing research has examined the potential of cash transfers programs in reducing global inequalities having a positive consensus of the broad beneficial impact of the programs to health, consumption and families well-being. However, the perspective of the beneficiaries and the violent structures of the social protection system has had less attention. This thesis aims to address this gap by examining the access barriers to cash grants during Covid-19 pandemic using structural and neoliberal violence as a conceptual tool showcasing that the programs will have limited possibilities to decrease poverty in the long run and meet the aims of the programs if the root causes of inequality are not addressed at the same time. 14 newspaper articles containing a keyword “social grant” from the year 2020 were chosen for ethnographic document analysis from the online media GroundUp. GroundUp’s background in community work, focus on the lived experiences of the people in their stories and the ability to cover stories of marginalized people were the main reasons to select the media. The articles chosen explored people’s experiences with the social grant system revealing the structural violence through the hardships people faced while trying to cope with the loss of income due the pandemic. In the ethnographic document analysis a mix of inductive and deductive strategies were used to develop a coding frame based on the theory of neoliberal and structural violence. The experiences of people show how the socio-economic background and poverty made grant beneficiaries more vulnerable to Covid-19 making it impossible to follow safety measures while trying to access the social grants. Having to travel for a long time on public transportation, staying in crowded places for long periods of time and sleeping outside with other people increases the possibility of getting infected and acted as examples of how structural violence manifests itself during the process of grant collection. Beneficiaries also faced unnecessary physical and mental distress while waiting as well as facing uncertainty and anxiety about the survival of the household. Overall, the results show how the lack of money and the inability to meet basic needs of the household were the main concerns of the people while Covid-19 and getting ill remained as secondary. The thesis reveals the ways grant admission process brought a new dimension of suffering for those in vulnerable situations, reproducing and amplifying the intensity of pre-existing structural violence in the system. It highlights the fact that the exposure to the virus is tightly related to the socio-economic background and the structures of the society that determine the everyday patterns and range of choices people can make. For these programs to have real transformative power to fight poverty and inequality, more focus needs to be put on the ideologies and policies that shape the structures of neoliberal societies.
  • Miettinen, Johanna (2021)
    Tässä maisterintutkielmassa tarkastellaan kuinka skeittaaminen voi toimia väkivallattoman vastarinnan muotona Palestiinassa. Skeittaaminen on oma alakulttuurinsa, jolla on jo lajin alkuajoista saakka ollut tietynlainen yhteiskunnan etenkin kapitalistisia valtarakenteita vastustava asema. Skeittaaminen voidaan nähdä jopa anarkistisena toimintana, sillä se haastaa normatiivista tapaa liikkua julkisessa tilassa sekä ottaa tilaa haltuun omaehtoisesti, näin vastustaen tilaan ylhäältä liitettyjä merkityksiä. Tutkimuksen pääaineisto koostuu videoista ja ei-akateemisista artikkeleista, joita analysoidaan Foucault ’laisen diskurssianalyysin sekä feministisen visuaalisen analyysin kautta. Tutkimuksessa tunnistetaan seitsemän päädiskurssia, jotka edustavat eri väkivallattoman vastarinnan muotoja. Näistä ’skeittiparkki vastarinnan tilana’, ’resilienssi vastarintana’ sekä ’tilallinen vastarinta kehollisuuden ja liikkeen kautta’ toimivat suorana vastarintana Israelin miehitykselle, kun taas ’yhteenkuuluvuus globaalin skeittiyhteisön kanssa’ ja ’vastarinta representaatioiden kautta’ vastustavat miehitystä epäsuorasti. Diskurssit ’konservatiivisten normien vastustaminen’, sekä ’länsimaisen skeittikulttuurin vastustaminen’ sen sijaan haastavat kulttuurisia ja yhteiskunnallisia normeja ja asenteita. Tutkielman teoreettisena viitekehyksenä toimii Frantz Fanonin postkoloniaalinen teoria, josta etenkin ylempi- ja alempiarvoisen (superior & inferior) teoretisointi nousee keskeiseen asemaan. Fanonin teoriaan liittyy ajatus dekolonisaation väkivaltaisesta luonteesta, joka luo jännitteen tutkielman väkivallattomuuden näkökulmalle. Tätä jännitettä puretaan tarkastelemalla Gandhin väkivallattomuuden teoriaa sekä pohtimalla missä oikeastaan kulkee raja väkivallattoman ja väkivaltaisen vastarinnan välillä. Tutkielman johtopäätöksenä on, että vaikka skeittaaminen ei itsessään vapauta Palestiinaa Israelin miehityksestä, sillä voi olla erityisen vapauttava vaikutus skeittaajiin itseensä, joka nähdään sekä mentaalisena että kehollisena dekolonisaationa. Lisäksi palestiinalaisen skeittikulttuurin nähdään haastavan länsimaista skeittikulttuuria, jossa maskuliinisuus on ollut perinteisesti keskiössä.
  • Kangas, Mikko (2022)
    This thesis focuses on examining a popular concept in European Union’s foreign policy – Normative Power Europe. The thesis argues that we should adopt a different approach than is currently used to analyse Normative Power Europe. In here, the concept is seen as a foreign policy discourse, that has achieved a hegemonic position, and therefore dominated the conception of European Union’s role in international relations for the last decades. A special focus is turned on the relationship between European Union and African actors. The thesis examines Normative Power Europe discourse as a fundamental structure in European Union’s new Africa strategy, introduced in March 2020. The European Union has argued that the strategy builds on renewed partnership with Africa and aims to abolish the donor-recipient relationship between EU and Africa. The thesis draws on constructivist ontology in defining Normative Power Europe as a discourse. The writer argues that by choosing this type of approach, a researcher is able to critically examine the actorness and role of European Union. According to the constructivist ontology, the actorness of EU can be shaped and constructed. A discourse of Europe as normative power is a central element in the construction of European Union’s international role. The findings of this thesis show that European Union represents itself as a better option for Africa to form partnership with, instead of cooperation with such states as China and Russia. Norms and values of EU play an essential role when European Union persuades African actors to form partnership. The thesis argues that by constructing its global power and influence on normative superiority, the European Union risks creating a demand for itself and for its norms-based intervention without a legitimate justification for these actions. This is a problematic arrangement, and the thesis argues, that there is a demand for post-developmental theory in European Union’s foreign policy research.
  • Oinonen, Pekka (2022)
    Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on tarkastella monikansallisen tietekniikka-alan konsultointi- ja palve-luyrityksen kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan osallistuvien työntekijöiden motivoitumiseen ja identifioitumiseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä sosiaalisen identiteetin teorian näkökulmasta. Kehitys-kumppanuusohjelma on osa tutkimuksen kohteena olevan yrityksen yhteiskuntavastuukäytän-töjä, ja työntekijät voivat hakeutua ohjelmaan vapaaehtoisesti. Kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan piiriin kuuluvien työtehtävien ajalta työntekijät luopuvat puolesta palkastaan. Tämän tutki-muksen kiinnostuksen kohteena on erityisesti se, mikä motivoi työntekijöitä osallistumaan va-paaehtoisluontoiseen kehityskumppanuustyöhön, ja mitkä tekijät vahvistavat ja mitkä tekijät heikentävät kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan osallistuvien identifioitumista työnantajayrityk-seensä. Tutkimuksen toteutuksessa käytetään laadullista, tulkitsevaa tutkimusotetta. Tutkimusmene-telmänä on teemahaastattelu. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu kymmenestä haastattelusta. Pieni ja taustaltaan heterogeeninen haastateltavien ryhmä jakautuu luontevasti kahteen ryhmään, vanhempiin ja nuorempiin työntekijöihin, mikä heijastuu myös haastatteluaineiston analyysiin. Haastatteluaineiston perusteella jo pelkkä mahdollisuus osallistua kehityskumppanuusohjel-maan lujittaa ohjelmaan hakeutuneen työntekijän identifioitumista työnantajaansa. Kehitys-kumppanuusohjelmaan osallistumisen motiiveista nousevat tärkeimmiksi mahdollisuus käyttää omaa ammattitaitoa kehityskumppanuusohjelman ja siihen toisena osapuolena osallistuvan kansalaisjärjestön hyväksi sekä mahdollisuus kehittää omaa ammatillista osaamista ja samalla kehittyä ihmisenä. Samalla työntekijät kokevat, että vastuu osaamisen syventämisestä ja sen laajentamista on lopulta heillä itsellään. Erityisesti nuoremmat työntekijät osoittavat identifioi-tumista ammattiinsa ja ammatilliseen osaamiseensa työnantajayrityksen sijaan. Yrityksessä pi-dempään työskennelleet työntekijät puolestaan identifioituvat työnantajaorganisaatioonsa myös kehityskumppanuusohjelman kontekstissa. Disidentifikaatio työnantajaa tai nykyisiä työtehtäviä kohtaan ilmenee tyytymättömyytenä työn merkityksellisyyteen tai puutteellisina koettuihin mahdollisuuksiin vaikuttaa omaan työnkuvaan.
  • Pykäläinen, Niina (2023)
    Despite active Indigenous movement in the country, Ecuadorian governments have continued to exploit natural resources with increasing speed legitimising extractivism as a means to social development. Indigenous women are gradually taking leadership positions in the predominantly male-dominant Indigenous movement in Ecuador, and Amazonian Indigenous women have strengthened ties with other groups as well. The research questions of this thesis participate in the post-developmentalist discussion on extractivism and alternatives, resistance and finding solidarities to fight against subordination and destruction of territories, knowledge, culture, bodies and life. Drawing from feminist political ecology’s critical decolonial and intersectional feminist perspective, the thesis analyses, what “truths” the Ecuadorian state is creating about development, Indigenous peoples and their territories, and what the possible implications to Amazonian Indigenous women are. It is also interested in what strategies Indigenous women use to resist the extractive policies justified with those “truths”, and what kind of spaces of resistance they are creating. By doing this, the thesis tries to answer, how Ecuador’s extractive policies affect eco-cultural pluralism in Ecuadorian Amazonia. The main method for analysis is a Foucauldian strand of critical discourse analysis, complemented with elements of qualitative content analysis. The primary data collected for this thesis consists of government development plans and official communication, as well as of a report, statements and social media publications by Indigenous organisations and collectives. In Ecuadorian governmental discourses further expansion of extractivism(s) is still justified with economic and social development, especially in the areas of impact. What is new in the governmental discourses is the wide dismissal of Indigenous peoples’ existence and conceptualisations of “good living”. Dismissing topics, such as Indigenous peoples’ rights to their territories, and discrediting Indigenous knowledge suggests that citizen participation and eco-cultural pluralism are supported only as far as they do not threaten the development of strategic sectors of the state. Amazonian Indigenous women resist extractivism with multiple strategies. They are building solidarities by establishing alliances with ecofeminist groups, international environmental NGOs and human rights organisations. By tying their ethno-territorial demands into global climate and social justice discourses Indigenous women are opening a shared space able to mobilise larger crowds for their cause. Thus, while making visible the embodied impacts of patriarchal extractivism, Indigenous women are also simultaneously decolonising feminism. Although hegemonic government discourses embrace nationalist imaginaries and identities related to extractivisms, the resistance of Amazonian Indigenous women may cultivate common ground of understanding with the rest of the Ecuadorian society and international community.
  • Baloch, Suvi (2022)
    Violence against women is a deep-rooted global injustice, yet it is less often scrutinized as a category of political economy. In this research relating to human rights advocacy in Pakistan, I seek to do so. I study the ways in which local women's rights organizations attempt to hold state to account for eliminating the malice and removing its structural causes. In particular, I examine how feminist constructions of VAW and advocacy practices towards curbing it take part in the politics of development. The research is based on fieldwork which I conducted in the mid-2010's in urban Pakistan. Interviews with 17 informants representing 12 women's rights groups, NGOs and government agencies constitute the primary data. I use ethnographic lens in mapping the organizational field, yet my main deconstructive method is critical discourse analysis. The research is underpinned by post-development theory, postcolonial feminist critique, anthropology of modernity and feminist violence research. The findings consist of three discourses and two developmental logics. Each discourse explains VAW as an issue of individual infringement of rights and a question of state structures with a distinct orientation – those of gender equity, legal protection and political reform. The discourses are rooted in 'human rights developmentalism' and neoliberalism, yet they are still locally contingent in varied ways. The developmental logics of 'saviorism in solidarity' and 'commonsense hope' render visible ways in which the organizations deploy civilisation narrative and an unquestioned hope in aid's capacity to deliver 'development' as political resources. I argue that the discourses construct VAW by reference to apolitical notions of 'backwardness' not only to justify organizational advocacy practices that center upon delivering "higher awareness and morals" to the "ignorant masses". Instead, such notions contribute to building a counter discourse to the misogynous state ideology as well as an alternative political space that enables women's rights organizations persevere in Pakistan. While the discourses fail the 'beneficiaries' of aid by upholding empty developmentalist promises, they nevertheless do not exacerbate VAW. The research suggests that development ideologies, albeit contributing to global inequalities, may serve as meaningful political tools for undoing local adversities.
  • Walden, Ella (2023)
    This thesis studies the relationship between resistance and transportation infrastructure. The aim is to explore the links between the material and cultural contexts around strategically important transportation infrastructure and social movements with strategies to disrupt the flows of infrastructural networks. These issues are studied through the case of the civic strike of Buenaventura and related social mobilisation during the period of 2017-2022, in which the operations of one of Colombia’s most strategic ports have been brought to a halt for weeks at a time. The study examines the context of the strike through the theoretical frameworks of extractivist capital, infrastructure related grievances, racism, and structural unemployment caused by dispossession. The thesis discusses the themes of ethno-territorial conflict and colonialism using various theorists from the field of development studies and political sciences. This thesis portrays how the mobilisation in Buenaventura stems from the historical process in which the Afro-Colombian communities have created and defended an alternative model for development that highlights the collective rights of local communities. This thesis was conducted as a qualitative case study that uses content analysis as a method of analysis. This ethnographically oriented research was conducted as participatory observation, semi-structured interviews, and integrative literary research. The data consists of NGO reports and interviews with local activists, social leaders, academics, and government officials, alongside an in-depth theoretical review. This study shows that traditional ways of understanding capital and labour resistance offer useful information but are not adequate for explaining the context behind social movements targeting infrastructural networks. Rather than resorting to traditional means of labour suppression, the division between local communities and infrastructural actors has been created through processes of exclusion, leading to a situation in which local communities have little access to the port and the wealth generated by its activities. The analysis led to the conclusion that issues of land rights, colonialism, infrastructural development, violence, and corruption are all embedded in the dynamics of state neglect towards the communities around the port of Buenaventura.
  • Kollei, Jarrah (2021)
    South Africa as a country has been portrayed as an exception when it comes to protecting LGBT rights in Africa. In previous research on South Africa, sexuality, gender and race have been found to be crucial components of oppressive structures. However, the discursive practices and sedimented orders governing queerness, a substructure of normative sexuality and gender, have not been thoroughly examined. In this thesis it was questioned, how queerness has been made governable in South Africa through time. An additional centre of interest was to examine, how an influential non-profit organisation Gender DynamiX has recently tried to these orders. The thesis contributes to the efforts of queering development. Informed by intersectional feminism, Africana womanism, queer theory, post-colonialism, as well as Critical Discourse Analysis and Qualitative Content Analysis, the orders of discourse governing South queerness, as well as Gender DynamiX’s dominant discursive practices to change these orders, were analysed. The material analysed in the thesis consisted mainly of academic literature, and publications that the organisation has produced independently or in co-operation with other actors It was found that the historically moulded orders of discourse governing the field of South African queerness, a discursive substructure addressing deviance from the hegemonic South African system of normative sexuality and gender, is being produced and reproduced in contemporary South African society. These discriminatory orders of discourse have been made to support the colonial enterprise, the white apartheid state, and more recently black and religious identity politics. Thus, various actors have discriminatorily used queerness in a utilitarian manner to demarcate a line between us and them, between natural and unnatural, godly and ungodly, and more contemporarily the ones who tolerate and ones to be tolerated. However, it was found that these orders of discourse have been under transformation since the end of apartheid and the birth of the democratic nation. The discursive practices of gay and lesbian activists were crucial in changing these orders of queerness, and there has been some success in institutionalising and popularising the rights of sexual minorities. However, the issue of trans and gender non-conforming rights remains largely neglected in these moderately changed orders of queerness. Additionally, in the case study it was found that Gender DynamiX has pursued to affect these orders of discourse with an attuned and innovative discursive practice. More concretely, it has pursued to present especially racialised queers as active knowing subjects in different ways. This innovative discursive practice has the potential in dismantling the racialised hierarchical system of orders of normative sexuality and gender and the utilitarian orders that govern queerness in South Africa. More research on the development of Gender Dynamix’s discursive practice and the orders of queerness in South Africa would be beneficial to conduct.