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The key thought of Ulrich Beck s theory of reflexive modernization is the present on-going societal change. By reflexivity of this multifaceted change Beck refers to a societal process in which modernization turns towards its very own premises. Dissolving former highly ontologized institutional arrangements typical for what Beck calls the first modernity which have become predominantly restraints for the dynamics of modernization, reflexive modernization opens up ways to a new societal phase, in Beck s terms: the second modernity. To examine Beck s theory of this complex transition process, the process of reflexive modernization, is the main task of this thesis. In this study, the theory of reflexive modernization is considered as a proper social theory or to be exact: a theory of society (Gesellschaftstheorie), a theory operating on a general level striving to cover the overall process of societal change and its general constitution. The standpoint of the examination is anchored in recent theoretical discussions concerning modernity, differentiation and contingency. The main ideas on which the viewpoint of the examination is constructed derive from the thoughts of theoreticians such as Niklas Luhmann, Armin Nassehi, Peter Wagner and Risto Kangas orientated to German tradition of differentiation based theory of society. In the first phase of the study, however, Beck s theory is examined staying close to his own texts. The differentiation theory based viewpoint, named as the anormative contingency-theory , for its part, is put explicitly to use in the second phase. In the first phase of the study the logics of the chance observed in Beck s theory are pointed out by answering to questions such as how does the societal change emerge in the first place, how does it advance and what kind of actors does it include? This examination opens up hence a possibility to examine the level of this process of the reflexive modernization. Thus next is asked if the reflexive modernization is indicative of an immanent change of modernity, focused mainly on the institutional level or of a radical societal change, which considers the whole modernization process and the basic premises of modernity. In addition, at the end of the first phase, the temporal terminology used by Beck when emphasizing the rupture of modernization is examined: does Beck point to a real epochal break or is his way of using epochal concepts, such as the first and the second modernity, only a heuristic tool for the research process at hand? The examination of the second phase, which includes the proper analysis of Beck s theory, is based on the above-mentioned theoretical standpoint, the anormative contingency-theory . Firstly, the mutual relations of the three components of the theory of reflexive modernization Zeitdiagnose, for empirical use intended research-theory and general theory of society is examined. Secondly, Beck s theory is set in relation to classical social theory by pinpointing the mutual aspects of the theory of reflexive modernization and that of, predominantly German, classics. In addition, the relation of Beck s theory and the so called anormative contingency-theory is studied with a view to find out whether there is a strong normative base in the former. Along with this examination, a study of Beck s own observational position in relation to his subject, the changing conditions of present societal state, is carried out as well. This thorough examination reveals that the theory of reflexive modernization concerns, first and foremost, only the institutional change of society of the present: The basic principles of modernity require the annulment of the old institutional order of the first modernity, which has become a restraint to their full implementation. For example universal egalitarism can be fully reached only when the current way of thinking based on nation-state-institutions is replaced by substantively global arrangements, which abandon the predominant container-model of culturally integrated and from each other separated nation-state-societies . Albeit the transition process of reflexive modernization unfold by its own dynamic mainly through various side-effects and problematizations of current demarcations despite of individuals opinions about it, it causes new demands also for them. Because of dis-embedding of their old institutionalized certainties, individuals are now forced to re-embed their personal life in this new situation of the second modernity. Hence the on-going institutional change the reflexive modernization enforces individuals to act more reflexively as before. When examined through a primary theoretical lens, the theory of reflexive modernization does not operate as a proper theory of society. Instead of the problem of constitution, which is characteristical for general social theories, Beck s theory is made up of inventing new concepts for various societal phenomena, interpreted to be fully new ones by Beck himself. And that is not a social theory or theory of society in the first place, but pure Zeitdiagnose. Constituted in that kind of a zeitdiagnostisch way, it is not possible to use the theory of reflexive modernization in empirical research without some major problems either: concepts developed in mentioned manner can not be verified through empirical data in an ordinary way, because, firstly, they are not generated through empirical induction and, secondly, they are not concepts of falsification-prone research-theory either. In addition to these predominantly research-related problems, Beck s theoretical apparatus seems to stem from a highly normativistic background. Instead of anormativistic acceptance of contingency as its basic presupposition, the theory of reflexive modernization is constructed more like from an Archimedic point: Beck himself sees the only right logic of modernization process and knows how societal relations have to be arranged to let that logic fully flow. Beck s theory is thus mere a political description of how society of the present should be arranged than theory of society in its purest, constitution-wide form. The theory of reflexive modernization can therefore be illustrated as a part of the long normative tradition of social thought stemming from the very ideas of The Enlightenment representing even the most politically charged side of that tradition.

Den finansiella krisen som slog till åren 2007-2008 hade sitt ursprung i Förenta Staterna, där bankverksamheten och övervakningen varit bristfällig i flera avseenden. Som ett resultat av finansiell globalisering, blev krisen global och spred sig även till Finland med negativa ekonomiska konsekvenser. Situationen i sig har gett upphov till att reform och diverse nedskärningar i den offentliga sektorn framstått som populära lösningar. Denna avhandling analyserar reformpolitik i den offentliga sektorn under recessionen. Teoretiskt bygger avhandlingen på Christopher Pollits modell för cutback management som har sin grund i tre olika strategier för offentlig reform under ekonomiska nedgångar. Syftet är att analysera förhållandet mellan de åtgärder regeringen gjort och former för cutback management. Genom att analysera motiveringen i äldre budgetpropositioner granskas ifall effektivitetspolitiken skiljer sig märkvärt i låg- och högkonjunktur. Forskningsresultatet tyder på att de effektivitetsåtgärder som implementerats under eller strax efter recessionen, i varierande grad innefattar former av cutback management. Flera reformprojekt kan konkret definieras som ren cutback management. Däremot förblir vissa reformåtgärder diffusa, huruvida de är cutback management eller en åtgärd från en bredare repertoar av effektivitetsinstrument inom New Public Management doktrinen.

This Master's Thesis approaches the EU-level discussion on posted workers through the theoretical framework based on Vivien A. Schmidt's Discursive Institutionalism, complemented by neo-Gramscian approach to policy studies. The aim of the thesis is to find out how the framings of posted workers have evolved over the period 1991-2018 and whether there is convergence between policy change concerning posted workers and the wider contextual changes at the EU-level. The methodological approach of this study is qualitative. The chosen method is based on policy frame analysis. As the period under consideration is rather long, the most significant events during the formation of the Directive were identified and the material was collected on the basis of this identification. Thus, the research material is comprised upon the key EU documentation related to the phenomenon of posting. Primary research material includes: Proposals for directives (3), the original directives (2), and other related EU-level documentation. Other relevant sources include preparatory documentation regarding the Revision of the Posting Directive and European Commission Work Programmes for the years 2016-2018. The most important finding revealed during the analysis was that the framing of the Posting Directive has shifted from a rather economic framing towards a more social framing during 1991–2018. In the 1990s, posted workers were primarily considered to be part of the free movement of services, whereas during the revision process, the prevalent framing has changed towards emphasizing the free movement of persons and the fundamental social rights of the European Union. However, even though the framings have evolved, the legislative basis of the Posting Directive has remained unchanged. The new social framing in the debate over posted workers is strongly linked to the development of the European Social Pillar, which has been formulated parallel to the Revision of the Posting of Workers Directive. In addition, many other EU-level social initiatives reinforce the reframing of posted workers through the social framework. Thus, the discussion reveals clear convergence between (re)framings of the policy and the wider EU-level ideational change towards a more social Europe. The societal contribution of this thesis lies in its contemporary topic that has been high on the EU agenda for several years but has, nevertheless, remained as a marginal topic for research. By familiarizing themselves with the findings of this thesis, policymakers and authorities could learn to better reflect upon how they frame policy issues and recognise how framing takes place at different levels during the decision-making process. Theoretically, this thesis contributes to the existing literature by focusing on the interaction between institutional change and policy change at ideational level.

The European Union’s current economic growth goals cannot be achieved without addressing the demographic and labour shortage crises. Despite the prevalence of anti-migration narratives, the leading approach to address the demographic issue has been to encourage “managed” entries. The Blue Card Directive (BCD) was introduced to attract talent and harmonize policy to regulate high skilled non-EU immigration across the Union. The first rendition of the BCD was introduced in 2009, however it was not successful and was rarely utilized across Member States (MS). Therefore, it was repealed and recast in 2021 and it is scheduled to enter into force in all MS by November 2023. This thesis employs Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem represented to be?” methodology, a Foucauldian constructivist theory to explore the discursive assumptions shaping the Blue Card Directive and how they may help explain its failures and shortcomings. Bacchi’s discursive policy analysis seeks to uncover how dominant discourses shape the perception of migration in policymaking. This study finds that the European Union's migration policy framework prioritizes the validation of all hegemonic migration discourses with the intention of maintaining cooperation between Member States. However, this very priority directly contrasts the goals of the policy, and often results in the neglect of related challenges of inequality and marginalization deemed “controversial”. The recast of the Blue Card Directive falls short of being sufficiently ambitious and transformative. Instead, it is indicative of the tendency towards "failing forward" of the EU, characterized by lack of willingness to compromise and coherence among Member States. Finally, this thesis puts forth a proposal for reframing the issue, encouraging departure from existing discursive and systemic frameworks to address the socio-environmental “permacrisis” in the European Union.

During the last five decades immigration into Finland has considerably increased and one group of these immigrants is refugees and asylum seekers. After the world wars Finland had remained a relatively closed off society, but throughout the 60s, 70s, 80s, and 90s Finland had taken part in international agreements and communities. In 1973 Finland received its first refugees under the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention. From then onwards number of people needing international protection has increased in Finland. Especially since 1990s Finland has experienced large numbers of asylum seekers coming to Finland. During this period, policy development has become increasingly important, but additionally managing and investigating Finnish attitudes towards the new minorities has become an important field of study and policy. Media has a significant role in shaping peoples’ perceptions. However, not only does it shape peoples’ ideas, but it also tries to mirror them to appeal to its target audiences. Media also functions as a platform for elites to get their points across. On the other hand, media has the power to give space to different voices and silence other. Therefore, understanding what types of messages people receive from Media is crucial to understanding Finnish attitudes. This study focuses on Finnis peoples’ attitudes towards refugees and asylum seekers and how media perhaps affects and perpetuates them. The material of this study consists of newspapers articles gathered from four different time periods. The four periods under investigation are 1973, 1979, 1990 and 2015. During these years increasing number of refugees and asylum seekers were arriving to Finland. News articles from Eastern Finnish newspapers were gathered and their topics and actors were analysed. This thesis deploys critical discourse analysis as the method of analysis. Critical discourse analysis emphasises a multidisciplinary approach to discourse analysis and underlines the importance of historical context when considering societal phenomena. This study will dissect the topics and participants of the articles, and the findings are connected to previous studies into Finnish attitudes and to immigration and refugee policy developments. This thesis aims to answer to four questions. The first questions under consideration is “What type of discourses have been used in newspapers when discussing refugees/asylum seekers in 1970s, 1990s or in 2015?” and the second questions is “Have discourses about refugees/asylum seekers in newspapers changed between 1970s and 2015?” The data showed that in 1970s discussions around refugees were more focus on practical arrangements around their arrival and stay in Finland. In 1979 the health of refugees was a large topic of conversation, and this could be seen as racialization of this topic. In 1990 and 2015 the discussions around asylum seekers became more politicised and polarized. The last two questions are “Have discourses about refugees/asylum seekers in newspapers been racist (explicitly or implicitly) in 1970s, 1990s or in 2015?” and “What different political, social, and economic factors of the time could be connected to the attitudes displayed towards refugees/asylum seekers?”. As this study does not focus on linguistic components of the text the explicit nature of the text cannot be commented on. On the other hand, when investigate participant statuses, it was discovered that minorities are often passive actors in newspaper articles. Additionally, mostly majority members are quoted in the articles. This means that even though minorities appear in the media, they are often not given a voice. This finding mirror other research findings from different periods. Additionally, the politicised nature of discourses have taken over the discussions and refugees and asylum seekers are portrayed as a problem and a crisis in the 1990 and 2015 data. This mirrors the direction of policy development which has aimed to restrict the arrival of asylum seekers into Finland.

This thesis analyses regional differences in alcohol consumption behavior in Finland with respect to real price changes during 1995-2015. Goal of this thesis is to study if differences between regions exist or not. Data for aggregate regional consumption consisting of both restaurant, and retail alcohol consumption and real price index of alcohol used in this thesis is from THL. The approach to analyze differences between regions is firstly, to examine short term changes by price elasticity of demand, and secondly, to analyze correlations, cointegration relations and OLS regression for the full period under the review, and compare the results of each method. The results of empirical analysis indicate that there are differences between regional behavior in alcohol consumption. The results also indicate that in many cases regions in the vicinity of each other have similar behavioral pattern. Further, in some regions such as Lapland and Central Finland, the OLS model for real price index and alcohol consumption has considerably better fit than in other regions.

This thesis touches upon the subject of family reunification, being highly problematised and politicised in the context of the EU member states. Demonisation of the matter, largely stems from the fact that reunification based on family ties is the main mode of entry onto the territory of the EU available for third country nationals. Intensified further in the context of the erupted European refugee crisis, family reunification is viewed by many EU member states as an area to create ever further restrictive regulations. The thesis explores how regulation over family reunification is currently being executed in the EU, and how nation states participate in its management. The work identifies that procedural sides of family reunification have further consequences for members of a reunited family, such as development of dependancy. Furthermore, the Finnish family migration legislation is being examined from the perspective of possible ‘window of opportunity’ for deepening restrictions, implied by the present political discourse within the country.

Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan länsimaiden sisäsyntyistä islamistista terrorismia 2010-luvun puolivälissä. Aineistona on ranskalaisen Le Monden, brittiläisen The Daily Telegraphin ja suomalaisen Helsingin Sanomien kirjoittelu heinäkuussa Nizzassa ja joulukuussa Berliinissä vuonna 2016 tapahtuneista rekkaiskuista niitä seuranneiden neljän ensimmäisen vuorokauden ajalta. Molempien hyökkäysten tekijäksi osoittautui yksin toiminut nuori tunisialaismies, ja molemmissa tapauksissa yleiseurooppalainen julkinen keskustelu painottui vahvasti ISIS-terroristijärjestön lietsomaan jihadistiseen terrorismiin länsimaissa. Näistä syistä tutkimuksen aiheeksi valikoitui kyseisiä joukkomurhia koskenut kirjoittelu yllä mainittujen eurooppalaislehtien maksullisissa digitaalisissa painoksissa. Tutkimusmenetelmänä käytettiin aineiston laadullista analyysia, jossa johtopäätökset ja laajemmat yleistykset tarkasteltavasta ilmiötä tehdään aineistosta esiin nousevien seikkojen pohjalta. Tutkimuskysymyksiä on kaksi: 1) Mihin aiempiin hyökkäyksiin Nizzan ja Berliinin rekkaiskut liitetään Le Mondessa, The Daily Telegraphissa ja Helsingin Sanomissa? 2) Mihin muihin ilmiöihin kuin väkivaltaiseen jihadismiin iskut aineistossa yhdistetään, ja onko eri lehtien välillä tässä näkemyseroja, jotka voisivat selittyä niiden erilaisilla poliittisilla painotuksilla tai kotimaan kontekstin vaikutuksella? Aiemman tutkimuksen osalta tärkeimmät tutkielmassa käytettävät teokset ja viranomaislähteet käsittelevät jihadistisen radikalisoitumisen taustatekijöitä, ISIS-terroristijärjestöä ja ’yksinäisiä susia’ omana erityisenä mutta myös vaikeasti määriteltävänä terroristiryhmänään. Lisäksi aineiston analyysissa hyödynnetään median ja terrorismin välistä yhteyttä koskevaa kirjallisuutta. Kaikessa aiemmassa tutkimuksessa korostuu internetin merkityksen nopea kasvu terroristisessa toiminnassa ja siihen johtavassa radikalisoitumisessa, mikä osaltaan selittääkin 2010-luvun puolivälistä lähtien yleistyneitä omatoimisten yksittäishyökkääjien tekemiä iskuja, jotka amatöörimäisyydestään huolimatta ovat monesti olleet hyvinkin tuhoisia. Analyysissa käydään ensin läpi Nizzan ja sen jälkeen Berliinin iskun nelipäiväinen kirjoittelu Le Monden, The Daily Telegraphin ja Helsingin Sanomien digilehdissä heinä- ja joulukuussa 2016. Aineisto sisältää yhteensä 287 lehtijuttua, 196 Nizzasta ja 91 Berliinistä, ja ne on saatu hakusanoilla ”Attentat de Nice”, ”Nice Terror Attack” ja ”Nizzan terrori-isku” sekä ”Attentat de Berlin”, ”Berlin Attack” ja ”Berliinin terrori-isku”. Aineistosta kaksi kolmasosaa koostuu Nizzan iskua käsittelevistä jutuista erityisesti Le Mondessa, mikä osoittaa terrorismiuutisoinnin painottuvan tapahtuneen välittömiin jälkitunnelmiin sitä varmemmin, mitä tuhoisammasta ja läheisemmästä iskusta on kyse. Aineiston rajauksessa käytetyt huolellisesti valitut hakusanayhdistelmät vihjaavat osaltaan siitä, että molemmat rekkaiskut liitettiin aineiston jutuissa osaksi Ranskassa ja muualla Euroopassa erityisesti 2010-luvulla lisääntyneitä jihadistisiksi kutsuttuja terrori-iskuja, joiden on yleisesti katsottu johtuneen ISIS-terroristijärjestön ideologiasta ja aktiivisesta internet-propagandasta. Molempien rekkaiskujen tekijät olivat yksin toimineita tunisialaismiehiä, mistä syystä kaikkialla aineistossa käytettiin useita kertoja ’yksinäisen suden’ käsitettä. Minkään kolmen lehden kirjoittelun perusteella lukijan ei kuitenkaan olisi ollut mahdollista tietää, täyttivätkö Nizzan ja Berliinin hyökkääjät todella ’yksinäisen suden’ tunnusmerkit. Aiemmasta tutkimuksesta saatujen tietojen perusteella tässä tutkielmassa yksinäisen suden tärkeimpinä määrittäjinä pidetään ainakin jonkinlaista henkilökohtaista vakaumusta, pitkäjänteisyyttä ja suunnitelmallisuutta, mitkä ”kriteerit” eivät välttämättä ole sopineet kaikkiin 2010-luvun yksittäishyökkääjiin, vaikka heitä siitä huolimatta on mediassa saatettu nimittää yksinäisiksi susiksi. Nizzan ja Berliinin rekkaiskujen lehtikirjoittelussa nostettiinkin vahvasti esiin molempien tekijöiden epävakaa yksityiselämä ja erityisesti heidän väitetyt mielenterveysongelmansa ja niihin kytkeytyvä syrjäytymiskehitys, jonka pohjalta lehdissä käsiteltiin Euroopan muslimiväestön puutteellista kotoutumista yleisemminkin. Berliinin iskun yhteydessä aineiston jutuissa käsiteltiin laajasti myös Lähi-idän kriisialueilta Eurooppaan vuonna 2015 käynnistynyttä laajamittaista turvapaikanhakijoiden saapumista, sillä erityisesti The Daily Telegraphissa uuden tilanteen nähtiin lisäävän turvattomuutta Euroopassa ja kiihdyttävän jihadistista radikalisoitumista, mistä turvapaikanhakijoita eniten vastaanottanut Saksa brittilehden mukaan toimi varoittavana esimerkkinä muulle maanosalle. Aineiston jutuissa siis käsiteltiin laajasti erityisesti Nizzan rekkaiskua, jonka kopiointiyrityksenä Berliinin joulutorihyökkäystä pidettiin. Vaikka kaikissa kolmessa lehdessä hyökkäykset liitettiin yleisesti osaksi Euroopassa 2010-luvun puolivälissä voimistunutta jihadistista radikalisoitumista ja sen tuottamia terroritekoja, ja erityisesti The Daily Telegraphissa oli nähtävissä avointa ja suoraa pohdintaa Euroopan muslimiväestön jonkinasteisesta syrjäytymisestä ympäröivistä yhteiskunnista, mikä kehitys brittilehden mukaan vain voimistuisi entisestään turvapaikanhakijakriisistä johtuvan maanosan muslimiväestön nopean kasvun vuoksi. Onkin syytä pohtia, olisiko brittilehden pitänyt käsitellä iskuja neutraalimmin vai kahden muun lehden päinvastoin suorasanaisemmin, ja mihin suuntaan jihadistista terrorismia koskeva uutisointi on menossa 2020-luvun lähestyessä. Tässä tutkielmassa päädytään sille kannalle, että valtamedian olisi suotavaa kertoa terroriteoista kaikki faktatiedot ja oikoa mahdolliset vaihtoehtomedioiden virheet, ja että kirjoittelussa olisi varottava tekijöiden korostamista ja jopa jonkinlaista idolisointia, sillä tällainen painotus saattaa jo itsessään toimia kimmokkeena mediahuomiosta haaveileville potentiaalisille jihadisteille.

I denna studie har mindre tvåspråkiga kommuners tillgång av socialarbetare studerats, samt hur kommunerna arbetar för att rekrytera och bibehålla personal. Studien görs i en tid var flera uppger en brist på socialarbetare och detta rapporteras om av både kommuner och i medier. Samtidigt råder det olika åsikter gällande socialarbetarbristen med uppgifter om fler legitimerade socialarbetare än antalet socialarbetartjänster. Forskningsfrågorna för studien är tre till antal och besvarar hur kommunerna rekryterar, hur kommunerna arbetar för att bibehålla personal, samt hur kommunerna ser på bristen av socialarbetare och vad deras roll i detta är. Genom att besvara frågorna ges både en aktuell bild av situationen i mindre tvåspråkiga kommuner samt spekulationer om framtiden, vad kommuner önskar att gjordes och vad de själva är beredda att göra. Syftet med studien är att lyfta fram arbetsgivarsidan och därmed få en mera nyanserad bild av den upplevda socialarbetarbristen i Finland. För studien skapades en egen teoretisk referensram inkluderande olika typer av faktorer som kan tänkas påverka rekrytering och bibehållande av socialarbetare. En orsak till rådande förhållanden antas bero på strukturella omständigheter utanför den kommunala organisationens påverkningsmöjligheter. Faktorer på den (kommunala) organisationsnivån antas vara centrala, då de fokuserar på kommunen som arbetsgivare, medan orsaker på individnivå hänvisar till enskilda socialarbetares personliga önskemål och prioriteringar när det gäller deras arbete. Materialet för avhandlingen samlades in genom semi-strukturerade intervjuer med fem representanter för mindre tvåspråkiga kommuner. Fokuset på mindre tvåspråkiga kommuner valdes eftersom de kan antas ha en speciell situation vad gäller rekrytering som ett resultat av deras geografiska lägen och språkkraven. Respondenterna hade olika yrkestitlar beroende på kommun men de var alla bekanta med personalpolitiken i kommunerna och kunde uttala sig utgående från kommunernas arbetsgivarsynvinkel. Materialet analyserades med hjälp av teoristyrd innehållsanalys, vilket innebar att de uppställda frågeställningarna besvarades med beaktande av den på förhand uppgjorda teoretiska referensramen. Avhandlingen visar att kommunerna ifråga upplevde en brist på socialarbetare samt att respondenterna främst förklarade denna brist med att hänvisa till strukturella orsaker. Samtidigt som kommunerna tillämpade flera traditionella rekryteringsstrategier hade de ofta sett sig tvungna att också använda sig av alternativa, mindre formella strategier då de traditionella inte gav tillräckliga resultat. Vidtagna bibehållandeåtgärder var generellt sett lika i kommunerna och de beskrevs som välfungerande. Då socialarbetare bytte arbete förklarades detta främst med hänvisning till individuella orsaker, inte med den kommunala organisationen. Ansvaret för att förbättra arbetsförhållanden och medverka till en statushöjning för socialt arbete tillskrevs främst högre nivåer än den kommunala nivån som respondenterna befann sig på. Resultatet tyder på potentiella utmaningar inom de kommunala organisationerna när det gäller planeringen av åtgärder kring rekrytering och bibehållande.

This thesis investigates how a relational approach could advance degrowth, an academic discourse and movement seeking to organize economic provisioning in ways that respect the biophysical limits and well-being of all life. The study responds to calls for the degrowth discourse to explicate its underlying philosophical assumptions, which are an integral part of any research paradigm, but especially theorizing making normative claims in support of social change. The study is conducted as a theoretical review and conceptual analysis of degrowth literature. The argument for the relational approach is built by mapping the gaps in degrowth’s current theoretical framework and positioning degrowth in the global pluriverse of alternatives. This teases out the necessity for any underlying assumptions to properly decenter growth. With a focus on ontology and axiology, the thesis then pieces together dispersed studies on relationality by degrowth scholars, in particular the works of Barbara Muraca, Pasi Heikkurinen, and Timothée Parrique. The thesis identifies six foundational premises of relational degrowth theorizing. Concerning ontology, these encompass (1) the constitutive nature of relations, (2) experience as universal affective opening, and (3) technology as a transformative mode of being. As for axiology, the premises comprise (4) autonomy, (5) sufficiency, and (6) care. The study claims that these foundational premises add to the coherence of degrowth theory and could be used to further develop a relational foundation for the degrowth discourse both in terms of scholarship and other praxis. The study hereby contributes to the nascent research area of degrowth’s philosophy of science, strengthening the discourse’s theoretical standing and transdisciplinary potential.