Browsing by discipline "Kehitysmaatutkimus"

The aim of this study was to critically analyse the South Sudanese peace policy framework which has been expressed in its post-independence peace and development policies. The study also aimed at analyzing the nexus between peacebuilding and broader development agenda and at identifying types of discourses, beliefs and ideologies that have been adopted or relinquished in the South Sudanese peacebuilding framework. Any ideological impact of external factors in influencing peace policies was also critically analysed. Four policy documents namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005, the South Sudan Development Plan 2011-2013, the South Sudan Peace and Reconciliation Strategy 2013-2015 and the Comprehensive Strategic Dimensions for Healing, Peace and Reconciliation 2013 were selected and critically analysed using Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model for Critical Discourse Analysis: (1) linguistic features and texts, (2) interdiscursivity, and (3) explanation of wider social, political, historical and cultural contexts. Key theoretical concepts surrounding peacebuilding have been discussed starting from the Kantian notion of perpetual peace and continuing to modern ideas of democratic peace theory, negative-positive peace, international engagement and liberal peacebuilding. More recent concepts of new wars and transitional justice systems have been discussed as well. The study identifies altogether six discourses that are maintained through the policy documents. The identified discourses are the capitalist corporate discourse, the curative peace discourse, the development aid/dependency discourse, the good-governance discourse, the religious discourse and the reconciliation discourse. The findings of this study suggest that the South Sudanese peacebuilding framework is based on building peace primarily through security measures and institutional strengthening while paying less attention to bottom-up approaches and people’s subjective wellbeing. In addition, the policy documents studied do not envision any form of transitional justice mechanism and lack a comprehensive national reconciliation program. This is likely to deepen pervasive impunity and result in further divisions, more belligerencies and bloodshed in the country. The study also finds that the South Sudanese peace policy framework is heavily influenced by the so called Western idea of liberal peacebuilding that aim to promote liberal economy, Western-style democracy, marketization and globalization. Though the policy documents emphasize on democracy, good governance and human rights, their implementation modality is not clear. In addition, the policy documents lack coherency, one document prioritising one theme while another adopting a completely different approach, and the nexus between peacebuilding and broader development is poorly established.

This is a study of dynamics of changes in (public) modes of thinking related to value of land and of the following societal consequences. The topic is approached through the analysis of the decision-making mechanisms regarding farmland abdication of Cambodian smallholders living in an uncertain frontier on a restless move from rural to urban space. The study aims to contribute to a holistic comprehension of commonly observed inconsistency in affected social groups’ (public) reactions to land deals. The analysis is based upon Marxian, Gramscian, Bourdieusian, and Foucaultian theorisations. Yet only empirical evidence can reveal what is a case in question. This study is based on a 7,5 months ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 3 periods between 2009 and 2017 in and around Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh and by analysing several official policy documents and dozens of newspaper reports. The study seeks to question the often-presented static bipolarisations, including conventional agency/structure controversy and power/resistance confrontation. Correspondingly, to avoid shallow interpretations, this study does not explain the on-going livelihood changes in the research site towards the capitalist relations as being the residents’ voluntary and preferred choice. Nor is the change seen as an unavoidable effect of incentives and lack of alternatives, which would trigger a need for development interventions to correct the calculated deficiencies to enhance the freedom of choice as a proof of inherent win-win equilibrium of the perfect market. Rather, especially as it turns out that development interventions actually support the so-called neoliberal logic in one way or another, this study underlines the (self-)governance side of the change by concentrating on dynamic aggregation mechanisms around opportunities and constraints opened up by tolerances of a new normal. Qualitative enquiry provides fruitful instruments to understand residents’ experiences, feelings, visions, mindsets, and actions at the complexity of power relationships and ever-changing positions, strategies, and environments. The study concludes that the apolitical rationalisation of compulsion to choose selling transforms farmland sellers to individual self-made persons responsible for their own destinies. This process also makes sellers to (publicly) consider the promoted development as progress and the proper model to follow. Therefore, at the end, a land title starts to mean private exclusive ownership, life begins to mean socio-economic competition over personal utilities, living starts to mean self-responsibility, and reward starts to be based on effort and productivity.

This study looks at how national readiness policies to implement Reductions from Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and carbon enhancement (REDD+) in Peru reflect previous governance modes of international forest governance. While tropical developing countries have been eager to pursue REDD+ readiness activities there is a gap in knowledge of how these policies reflect and link to previous content areas of international forest governance with current research focusing on experiences from pilot projects, the role of REDD+ in international climate negotiations and the mechanism’s potential risks and opportunities. Following McDermott’s (2014) categorization of modern international forest governance into three distinct but overlapping eras this case study analyses how sustainable forest management (SFM), illegal logging and governance are incorporated in Peru’s key national readiness policy papers, the R-PP and FIP, and by doing so explores some of the strengths and weaknesses of these documents and the ongoing national REDD+ process. The data consist of two key national readiness policy papers, the Readiness Preparation Proposal (R-PP) submitted to the Forest Carbon Partnership Fund and the Forest Investment Plan (FIP) submitted to the Climate Investment Funds. Due to delays in the preparation of the national REDD+ strategy it was not included in the data. In order to gain more nuanced information on the ongoing REDD+ process in Peru seven semi-structured interviews were done with key informants in Lima during March-April in 2014. Both the documents and interviews were analysed using qualitative content analysis. The findings of this study reveal that SFM and principles of good governance are included in the policy papers as important intervention areas while illegal logging and forest law enforcement are largely overlooked. However, the ways how to achieve SFM and ‘good governance’ are vague and links to other sectors and national development plans are not explicit, which raises the question of the effectiveness of planned interventions. While REDD+ is figured to play an important role in international climate negotiations, the results of this study show that more detail need to be given to assess and strengthen the links to other initiatives and mechanisms in order for REDD+ to achieve efficient, effective and equitable outcomes.

This thesis explores the interrelations and roots of conflict between the Indians and Africans in Kampala, Uganda. More precisely it focuses on how the historical middle-position of the Bayindi (Indians) is produced in contemporary Uganda by people living in the capital region and what the descriptions of ‘the other’ uncover about the Baganda’s own societal position. The study was carried out with an ethnographic approach, including a two month field research in Uganda. The research data consists of semi-structured interviews (21), participatory observations and tens of informal talks. Content analysis was employed to analyze the research data. The collected data demonstrates that the historical middle positioning of the Ugandan Indians is still produced in contemporary Uganda. Now, instead of the colonial setting of British at the top, Indians in the middle and the Africans on the bottom of the society, the Indians are perceived as the middle actors in-between the detested NRM government and the Ugandans. The construction of the Indians’ contemporary middle-position reveals some of the social, political and economic frustrations the Baganda have gone through as a group over the past half a decade. Though Museveni has re-established the traditional kingdom’s culturally they still don’t have the political or the economic power which the Baganda and the Mengo have yearned ever since the colonial times. The study concludes that the ethnic division lines are still alive in contemporary Uganda. Current conflicts, such as the Buganda riots in 2009, show clearly how the anxieties in contemporary Uganda are deeply rooted in the colonial era and how all the post-independent governments have failed to erase ethnic biases in the society.

This master’s thesis is a case study of a Uruguayan based forestry company’s, Montes Del Plata’s, impact on the Uruguayan society. The company has a corporate social responsibility program, with which it is trying to steer the impact caused by its operations. The aim of this thesis is to identify what interpretations different actors give to the 'responsibility' in corporate social responsibility. Conflicts caused by the global pulp and paper industry have been studied in Latin America and this thesis is connected to that research, although no conflict has risen from the current pulp mill project. In addition, this thesis provides information how CSR connects to the wider global development, and the scope and limitations are discussed. The data in this study was collected by 18 interviews as well as doing participant observation in Uruguay in the spring of 2012. The interviews were held with stakeholders identified by the company Montes Del Plata. It was found that different stakeholders have different opinions about responsibility in this case. The corporate responsibility is seen as socially constructed by the stakeholders of the company. The reasons for the different views on responsibility can be linked to the three dimensions of corporate social responsibility: social, environmental and economic. CSR was found to not be applicable to global development.

This thesis studies the roles of the Finnish state in the education export sector, focusing on the case of Finland-Brazil. The objective of this thesis is to seek the different discourses around education from 2010 to 2018 in the context of Finland, how these discourses define the role of education in development, and what is the significance of the change in the way we understand the role of education in a society. In this study, education is analysed through the concepts of human capital, neoliberal education and public good in the context of development theories. In addition, Foucault’s conceptualization of power and governmentality are analysed within the theories of post developmental critique. The study is divided in the following parts. The first part consists of theoretical and conceptional framework, and the methodologies of the study. The second part provides an analysis on the policy documents of Finnish education export conducting a discourse analysis on how Finnish education export is perceived in media. Additionally, a qualitative data analysis is conducted of the interviews and qualitative research questionnaire. Discourse analysis is used to analyse the context in which the education export is functioning and has functioned. The final part of the study consists of the discussion and conclusion. The primary data consist of interviews that represent three different actors in the Finnish education export (governmental, private and public education institutions), a research questionnaire, as well as media coverage from Finnish and Brazilian media and governmental documents from Finland and Brazil. The findings of this thesis demonstrate that while in classic education theories, the roles, functions and objectives of education are of a common good has the framing of education been changing towards a neoliberal direction. The findings indicate of a profitable new market for Finnish education export globally. Additionally, while education export is being promoted as a solution for global education crisis to improve education quality and increase equality of global education, there are no clear indications that education export as such has any apparent intention to truly improve the quality of education globally. Moreover, the analysed discourses in this research show that the role of the Finnish actors operating in the field of education export are not required to have any impact in the receiving countries. The case of Finnish education export to Brazil indicates that the Finnish state actively promotes education export to the global south through different discourses. The findings of the thesis lay out a vision of a relatively new industry that operates in the very core of the creation of individual identities and societies but is operated with market-driven interests that neglect the public good notion of education. Therefore, the impacts and opportunities for regional development and economic growth through education export remain minimal, while the business is relatively lucrative and risk free for private companies creating new ways to frame education.

This Master’s thesis examines the local civil society organisations’ perspectives and perceptions of the role of legal reforms in addressing gender inequalities in post-conflict Sierra Leone. The thesis focuses especially on the Gender Acts of 2007 and the Sexual Offenses Act of 2012. The thesis analyses the civil society organisations’ perspectives on legal reforms from three aspects: how legal reform processes are shaped by different local political actors, such as political decision-makers and the civil society, and their power relations; how legal changes and notions of women’s rights shape the lives and living conditions of women; and how the realities of everyday life influence the ability or willingness of women to seek formal legal protection against gender injustices. The theoretical framework of the thesis combines the 'liberal peace' discussion to feminist perspectives on gender equality, women’s rights and empowerment. The research methods used in this thesis include thematic interviews, participant observation and analysis of written documents. The empirical data were collected in Sierra Leone during March and April 2013. The research suggests that local political actors have ambiguously shaped the outcomes of legal reform processes. The diversity of interests and the complexity of cultural, social and political processes involved, have both contributed and hindered the legal reforms. The legal reforms address a significant gap in the legal protection of women. They also extend beyond the individual, have 'pacifying' effects on the society as a whole, and provide a chance of reflection about conventional gender-based violations. Enhanced legal protection and notions of women’s rights shape traditional gender roles, responsibilities and power relations, and are resisted as a consequence. The realities of everyday life, alongside with cultural, economic, social and political factors, influence the ability or willingness of women to utilise formal legal mechanisms. As a result, many women are left outside formal legal channels or continue to seek justice through alternative means. The thesis concludes that the 'liberal peace' logic is insufficient in capturing the complex and paradoxical nature of peacebuilding interventions. The research sheds light to the diverse ways in which peacebuilding outcomes are shaped, negotiated, utilised and rejected. Thus, the role of legal reforms in addressing gender inequalities in post-conflict societies in the global South should not be overstated. While meaningful and considered as a step to the right direction, legal reforms alone do not address the many underlying and paramount challenges that women continue to face in post-conflict societies in the global South.

Tutkielmassa analysoidaan siirtotyöläisyyden ja kehityskeskustelun muuttuvaa suhdetta. Nykyisessä kehityskeskustelussa vallitsee etupäässä optimismin ilmapiiri. Tämän optimismin aiheuttaa rahalähetysten kasvu ja niiden oletettu kehityksellinen vaikutus. Siirtotyöläisyyden ja kehityskeskustelun suurempaa kontekstia heijastetaan gambialaisten siirtotyöläisten transnationaalisiin suhteisiin. Yksi tärkeimmistä suhteen ilmentymistä on rahalähetykset. Rahalähetysten kehityksellisiä vaikutuksia, kuten köyhyyden vähentymistä analysoidaan aineistoon perustuen. Ihmisen muuttoliikkeen historia sekä Saharan eteläpuoleisen Afrikan muuttoliikkeen historia käydään läpi historiallisen kontekstin luomiseksi. Saharan eteläpuoleisen Afrikan alueen yleispiirteet, talouden tilanne ja osa maailmankaupassa avaa taloudellista näkökulmaa tilanteeseen. Tutkielman tarkoituksena on selvittää, miten rahalähetykset vaikuttavat Gambian tilanteeseen. Tutkielmassa metodeina on käytetty tapaustutkimuksena viittä Suomessa asuvan gambialaisen siirtotyöläisen haastattelua. Haastattelut jaettiin keskeisiin teemoihin, joita analysoitiin transnationalistisen muuttoliikkeen teorian kautta. Tarkoituksena on transnationalismin viitekehyksen kautta tutkia niitä poliittisia, taloudellisia ja sosiaalisia vaikutusmahdollisuuksia, joita gambialaisilla siirtotyöntekijöillä on. Näitä subjektiivisesti koettuja vaikutusmahdollisuuksia heijastetaan muuhun aihetta laajemmin tutkivaan aineistoon. Aineistossa käydään läpi myös kehitysajattelun historiaa. Siirtotyöläisyyteen on suhtauduttu eri aikoina hyvin eri tavoin; 1960-luvulla siirtotyöläisyyden nähtiin tuovan hyvinvointia ja kehitystä kehitysmaihin. Siirtotyöläisyys nähtiin keskeiseksi kehitykselle, koska sen nähtiin tuovan optimaalista työvoiman uudelleen jakoa tarvituille paikoille. 1970-luvulla taas näkökulma oli täysin vastakkainen. Siirtotyöläisyyden nähtiin aiheuttavan sekä epätasa-arvoa että riippuvuutta teollisuusmaihin nähden. 1980- ja 1990-luvuilla ryhdyttiin yhdistelemään eri teorioita ja tutkimaan muuttoa perheen kannalta, eikä yksilön kuten siihen asti. 2000-luvulle tultaessa siirtotyöläisyydestä on taas ruvettu puhumaan kehitystä lisäävänä tekijänä. Syynä tähän on jatkuvasti kasvussa olevat rahalähetykset, joiden kautta siirtotyöläisistä ollan ryhdytty puhumaan kehityksen tärkeinä toimijoina. Rahalähetysten kehityksellisestä vaikutuksesta on todistusaineistoa, mutta sen perusteella on mahdotonta tehdä yleistävää päätelmää niiden positiivisista vaikutuksista. Gambialaisten siirtotyöläisten lähettämien rahalähetysten vaikutus on merkittävää perheiden tasolla. Suurempaa vaikutusta Gambian valtioon on vaikea todistaa aineiston perusteella. Siirtotyöläisyyden, varsinkin Afrikasta Eurooppaan suuntautuvan siirtotyöläisyyden mittoja on liioiteltu. Suurin osa muuttoliikkeestä tapahtuu edelleen mantereen sisällä. Tästä ei ole luotettavaa tietoa, koska alueelta puuttuu usein tarkat väestönlaskentaan perustuvat tiedot. Alueen muuttoa koskeva tutkimus on myös keskittynyt kriisimuuttoon, jolloin niin sanottu normaali muutto jää tutkimatta. Tämä vääristää alueen tutkimuksen tuloksia. Kehityskeskusteluissa on myös usein ajateltu, että ihmiset haluavat pysyä paikallaan. Siksi lisääntynyt muuttoliike, mikä saattaa olla aivan normaalia, nähdään usein valitettavana asiana.

A plant disease called coffee rust, caused by a fungus (Hemileia vastatrix), swept across coffee lands of Central America and Mexico in 2012. It turned into the most severe coffee rust epidemic ever experienced in the region, having serious impacts on coffee farmers livelihoods. The aim of this Master s thesis was to gain knowledge of small-scale coffee farmers perceptions of coffee rust and their responses to it. These farmers belong to Maya Vinic coffee cooperative of indigenous smallholders operating in Chiapas, Mexico. This case study applied an ethnographically-oriented livelihoods approach, influenced by Participatory Action Research (PAR). The data was gathered between March and May 2014, and consists of 24 semi- structured interviews, informal discussions, and observations. In analyzing the data, a modified version of Frank Ellis Framework for Livelihood Analysis was utilized. This study found that all the farmers had some knowledge about coffee rust, and they perceived the epidemic as a major livelihood shock. Coffee rust was causing damage to farmer households central livelihood asset, coffee trees, leading to crop losses and a decline in the annual income. A drop in income compelled many households to cut back on consumption goods and basic food expenditure, and was likely to affect their capacity to invest in productive assets. The situation caused anxiety and confusion among farmers. The results show that despite of the heightened risk of crop losses in the forthcoming production cycles, coffee farmers were determined to continue with coffee production. The control methods they were applying, such as different cultural methods, aimed at securing the role of coffee farming as a key livelihood activity also in the future. Alternative livelihood activities seemed to have less importance in coping with the epidemic. These findings suggest that not only economic but also cultural and social factors play an important role in livelihood construction. The findings further show that certain forms of capital may either hinder or facilitate households efforts to cope with coffee rust. In particular, limited landholdings ( natural capital ), and constrained access to different sources of information and education ( human capital ) proved to be limiting factors, while membership in Maya Vinic ( social capital ) helped to buffer negative impacts of the epidemic, and prepare for the future. This study suggests that stakeholders perceptions and the notion of social capital deserve more attention in different livelihood approaches. It also calls for more research and cross-sectoral initiatives which would aim at assisting small-scale coffee farmers in coping with coffee rust. These efforts should be keyed to work on climate change adaptation.

This thesis explores the link between South-South remittance and development. It attempts to establish improved understanding about the role of immigrants as agents of constituency growth and development. By doing so, it illuminates the dark corners of the policy implications that the unconventional development agency of immigrants might have for countries in the Organization ft Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The thesis problematises the existence of state-centric international cooperation as providing the recipe for failed Aid in the face of global poverty menace. In the last half a century, the relative shi of focus to non-state actors brought about the proliferation of NGOs. That, intrun, helped improve international access to crisis situations; however, their long-term remedial impacts on poverty and development have been contested. Major misgivings for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are, on one hand, low level goal-bound expenditures and lack of independence from influence of the state, on the other. Therefore, the thesis enterprises to empirically verify its fundamental question whether remitting immigrants constitute an alternative development agency to the traditional players: the State and NGOs. Its main arguments are: due to states failures in bringing sustainable development in many countries of the South, the future of poverty reduction and development also rests in immigrants remittances. Nonetheless, in the last decade, remittance security-nexus dominated its discourse. Because of that remittance was viewed as something requiring global regime and restrictions. These temptations to tightly regulate remittance flows carry the danger of overlooking its trans-boundary nature and its strong link with livelihood of the poor. Therefore, to avoid unintended consequences of interventions, there need to be clear policy that bases itself on a discursive knowledge on the issues of North-South and South-South remittances The study involved both literature based and empirical research. It employed Discourse Analysis (C as main method for the former and snow-balling as its approach for the latter. For the first part the thesis constructed three conceptual models, these are: metrological model, police model and ecological model on remittance development-nexus. Through this modeling, the thesis achieved better deconstruction on the concepts remittance, immigrants and development agency. The protagonists of each model, the values and interests they represent, and their main arguments along various lines of dichotomies have been discussed. For instance, the main treats of meteorological model include: it sees remittance as transitional economic variable which require constant speculations and global management; it acts as meteorological station for following up or predicting the level, direction, flow and movement of global remittance. It focuses on official lines and considers the state as legitimate recipient of advic and positive consequence of remittance. On the other hand, police model views remittance as beir at best, development neutral or as an illicit activity requiring global regulations and tight control. Both immigrants and remittance viewed as subversive to establishments. It gives primacy to state stable agent of development and a partner for international cooperation. The anti-thesis to the police model is supplied by ecological model, which this thesis is a part. Ecological model on remittance and immigrants argues that, tight global regulations alone cannot be a panacea for possible abuse of informal remittance system. Ecological model, not only links remittance to poverty reduction, the main trust of development, but also considers the development agency of immigrants as critical factor for 21st century north-south development intervention. It sees immigrants as development conscious and their remittance instrument as most stable flow of finance to the developing countries. Besides, it sees remittance as effective poverty solutions than Foreign Direct Investment and international AID. This thesis focuses on the significance of South-South remittance and investigates the South Africa - Ethiopia remittance corridor, as case study; and empirically verifies the role of Ethiopian (Kembata and Hadiya) immigrants in South Africa as agents of local development back home. The study involved techniques of interview, group discussions, observations and investigative study. It also looked into the determinants of their migration to South Africa, and their remittance to Ethiopia. The theoretical models in the first part of the thesis have been operationalised throughout the empirical part to verify if the Kembata and Hadiya immigrants played the crucial role in their household poverty and local development in comparison with the Ethiopian state and the NGOs involved in the system. As evidenced by the research the thesis has made three distinct contributions to the discourse of remittance development-nexus. Fist, it systematized the debate about linkages between remittance, immigrants, development agency and policy of international cooperation by creating three conceptual models (school of thoughts); second, it singled out remitting immigrants as new agents of development in the South; third, it deconstructed concept of remittance and established South-South remittance as additional sphere of academic investigation. In addition to the above contributions, the thesis finds that Kembata and Hadiya immigrants have engaged in various developmental activities in their locality than usually anticipated. Hence, it concludes that Ethiopian immigrants constitute an alternative development agency to the state and other non-state actors in their country, and the lesson can be applied to poverty reduction strategies in most developing countries.