Browsing by master's degree program "Magisterprogrammet i global politik och kommunikation"

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate Japan’s last decades' significant political economy change from a critical perspective. After the decades of post-war growth and reconstruction, coming to the end of the 1980s, Japan's political economy began to overheat dangerously fast. Passing into the 1990s, the bursting of a real estate bubble accumulated by the financial sector caused the financial sector a historically extensive stock market crash. As a result, the following decades marked a major shift in past decades’ economic euphoria. This large-scale transformation in the Japanese economy and society has also been called depending on perspective, by the terms 'lost decade' or 'lost decade(s)'. One of the objectives of this thesis is thus to answer the questions: What is meant by 'lost decade(s)'? And how have different theoretical approaches attempted to explain the concept? The thesis thus examines the relevant political economy literature exploring 'lost decade(s)' through a critical perspective while answering the research questions. As one of the arguments, the thesis seeks to question the metaphorical nature of 'lost decade(s)' by taking into account the mythical role of economic growth, highlighted especially by the economic literature, which has created a strong image of Japan's 'lost' economic growth and structural coherence. As a second argument, the thesis seeks to develop an understanding of some of the major societal losses that emerged during the 'lost decade(s)', through changes in the social, political, and institutional dimensions. The basis for the first argument is being constructed through the literature and questions that utilize the role of metaphors, social imaginaries, myths, and alternative data to create the perception of 'lost' growth. The final chapter seeks to establish a holistic insight into Japan's historical transformation from a perspective of the deeper structures of society. The chapter analyzes the impacts of 'lost decade(s)', particularly on demographic development, increasing social precariousness, political instability, and Japan's changing global position. In conclusion, the thesis goes through the research results and portrays certain questions about the possible futures of Japan while reflecting the developments that occurred during the 'lost decade(s)'.

The research questions of this paper are focused around how the discourse present within the discourse and policy regarding algorithmic governance in Finland is framed within a proposed bill regarding the topic. The questions concern what aspects of the subject matter are potentially being neglected or insufficiently examined in order to fulfill standards created by financialized logics of operation present within governance and promoted by algorithmic systems largely derived from the private sector. Also, to what extent is there a concern regarding issues such as transparency and accountability, and how is the adoption of algorithmic decision-making affecting how such principles are being framed? This paper offers a case study, utilizing a Finnish proposed bill regarding the wider adoption and application of algorithmic governance into the public sector. Algorithmic governance entails all forms of digitized data processing intended for the purposes of making decisions in an automated manner utilizing algorithmic technologies. The case study is examined by first establishing a sufficient context of the subject matter, detailing what exactly algorithms are, how the designing and operation of such systems is relevant and important to governance, after which a summarization of key sections the proposed Finnish bill will be presented, followed by an analysis of how many of the concerns and issues outlined in the paper are framed within the text. The framing is analyzed by examining how logics of financialization are present in the text, and using a framework of abstraction traps that provide structure for gauging how people tend to frame matters related to algorithmic governance. This examination will showcase how certain aspects and dimensions related to the framing of policy concerning algorithmic governance can be dominated by certain interests and logics, while neglecting other impactful and meaningful aspects as a result. The results of the research are that the framing operationalizes and prioritizes specific modes or logics of governance while neglecting others as a result of fixating only on certain aspects. Financialization and New Public Management reform influences are present throughout the text, leading to an overly reductive and limited framing of the issues regarding the use of, regulation and legislation of algorithmic governance and its increasing use in the public sphere. This kind of framing of the issues in policy and discourse concerning it will be unlikely to provide comprehensive and effective policy, as they will be inadequate to fully account for many of the other aspects and concerns about the subject matter highlighted within this paper.

The War on Terror has been waged for almost two whole decades now. President Barack Obama pledged to end the “boundless Global War on Terror” during his tenure but there are still US troops present in Middle East and North Africa. Despite the rhetoric on ending the war, the war got even more violent in terms of air strikes and the military budget kept on rising from that of president Bush under Obama’s first term as president. Since these circumstances suggest that there was no considerable change to be perceived in the outcome of the war from Bush to Obama, there seems to exist a process of political meaning-making through which the meanings attached to the US engagement in the Middle East are altered. Thus, this study aims at analysing the underlying fantasmatic logics through which the War on Terror was legitimized to the public during Obama’s presidency. This study contributes to the study of international relations through Lacanian-Žižekian framework, which has only recently been introduced to the study of international politics. The theoretical and methodological background of this thesis is rooted in Lacanian psychoanalysis, discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe and Lacanian-Žižekian theorizations on ideological fantasies. By adapting the logics approach of discourse theory as a qualitative method, this thesis analyses 105 speeches on terrorism that Barack Obama delivered in 2009–2016. The analysis is focused at analysing discursive articulations, nodal points and master signifiers that partake in structuring the fantasies regarding War on Terror. In this thesis I will argue that it is through the fantasmatic logics that the ideological grip of Obama’s War on Terror becomes intelligible: By structuring the fantasmatic objects of desire at least on three levels, Obama succeeds at granting the illusion that the unachievable and impossible enjoyment – that the subjects of War on Terror desire – is achievable. However, Obama organizes the fantasy in a way that keeps the realization of the ultimate fantasy of lasting peace, safety, prosperity and security always at a distance. The desire is sustained by articulating enemies, such as al Qaeda, Taliban, Osama bin Laden, Assad’s regime and ISIL, as inferior objects of desire that are “forgotten” and replaced by one another in the signifying chain of enmity. In addition to this “forgetting” of inferior objects of desire, there exists a process of “reminding” or “remembering” that sustains the desire of War on Terror’s subjects. I then argue that some of these objects of desire are used to remind the subjects of what the possible enjoyment would feel like when it is finally achieved. These enemies are also articulated as “the constitutive othesr” that prevent the subjects of War on Terror to realize their fantasy of lasting peace. The results show that the signifier “terrorists” functions as a subtle epithet through which various and differential groups can be articulated as enemies.

Portugal seems to stand out among colonial empires – besides being the first European colonizer, Portugal was the last European empire, since its decolonization process unfolded later than in other European colonies. Only 20 years after the formal end of its empire, this study exposes how Portugal discusses its own colonial past today, how colonialism is framed in the current public debate and whether certain colonial narratives are still present in this discussion. Based on the findings, this thesis also discusses the impact of the debate on racism and immigration attitudes. The theoretical basis hinges on previous studies on Portuguese colonial narratives and myths, including Gilberto Freyre’s Lusotropicalism, research on the formation of national identities and theories on the construction of racism. The goal is to contribute to the existent research on Portuguese colonialism, providing a recent account of the public debate; to serve as a base for future studies on post-colonial attitudes; and to discuss the legacy of colonialism in Portugal, particularly, on racism. A media analysis is conducted. Two Portuguese newspapers were selected, Público and Observador. Only opinion articles were analyzed, and a case was chosen to represent this public debate – a controversial proposal on the construction of a museum in Lisbon about the colonial period, in the time frame from May to July 2018. Using frame analysis, the content of the opinion articles is examined, the characteristics of the authors are discussed, and frames are identified. The findings assert that colonialism is mainly framed today in two ways: as the pride of the nation and as a shameful event for the country. Fragments of a third, mixed frame could also be identified. Predominantly, it is framed as the national pride, as a key event in the history of the country. Portuguese colonization is largely described as a soft, intercultural encounter, while the atrocities tend to be dismissed. This thesis denounces the persistence of colonial narratives, myths and stereotypes and reveals their renewal into new terms. It also exposes the usage of colonialism as the foundation of the current Portuguese national identity, constituting one of its most long-lasting legacies. Finally, the thesis reveals a connection between colonialism and the dismissal of racism today. The study discusses how colonialism, the myths and narratives serve to construct a false image of tolerance of the Portuguese, which affects racism and immigration attitudes in the country. The legacy of colonialism is discussed to impact other areas, such as electoral results and the success or failure of far-right populist parties.

Disinformation has recently taken priority in media policy agendas across the world as many governing bodies identified it as an emerging threat to democracy. The EU has been particularly lauded for its proactive and comprehensive approach. Most notably, the EU launched their Code of Practice on Disinformation, the first and only disinformation policy on an international scale. This study focuses on analyzing the factors that determined the materialization of the Code through the lens of the multiple streams framework. The research material consists of semi-structured interviews with members of the High Level Expert Group on Fake News and Online Disinformation as well as signatories of the Code, both of which were directly involved in the Code’s development process. The data was analyzed through a qualitative thematic analysis, with the themes mainly grounded in the three streams of the multiple streams framework – the problem stream, policy stream, and political stream. The Code’s materialization resulted from the concurrence of increased attention to disinformation as a policy problem, the development of viable solutions, and the emergence of political will and competence to address the issue. Disinformation was successfully framed as an emerging threat to democracy through focusing events such as the 2016 U.S. elections, the Brexit Referendum, and the COVID-19 pandemic, rather than particular indicators that revealed the problem’s scope and impact. Solutions were based on consensus-building among conflicting interest groups, in addition to an assessment on each proposal’s viability in terms of value acceptability, resource availability, technical and financial feasibility, and anticipation of future constraints. Although the Code remained a non-legislative policy with vague language, the discussions generated alternative solutions that could be used in future policy windows. Lastly, the composition of the EU, lobbying efforts of interest groups, and the EU’s perception of the public mood, among other factors, contributed to both the Code’s acceptance and limitations in the political sphere. The materialization of the Code, despite its shortcomings, suggests that the EU is willing to take more aggressive measures against disinformation through incremental adjustments. The findings of this study provide valuable insights into the complexities of media policy-making as well as the challenges of tackling disinformation in the digital age.

Following the development of effective vaccines against COVID-19, a global access gap has emerged, with wealthier countries receiving the vast majority of vaccines and therapeutics. The governments of several lower-income countries have since identified a major cause of this gap to be intellectual property arrangements governing the development of pharmaceutical products. In response, these countries submitted a proposal within the World Trade Organization’s TRIPS Council to waive specific elements of the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights in relation to COVID-19 vaccines and therapeutics. Since then, a small number of wealthy countries where most major vaccine producers are located have resisted calls to pass the Waiver, thus maintaining intellectual property restrictions and limiting access to vaccines. This thesis explores the discursive nature of the arguments put forward against the Waiver within the institutional context of the WTO TRIPS Council from October 2020 to December 2021. It applies the Critical Discourse Analysis approach to identify several discourses that characterise the nature of opposition to the TRIPS Waiver, to explain how these shape political outcomes and delimit courses of effective action and resistance. These discourses are interpreted through the theoretical lens of Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics, which posits that sovereign power is increasingly based on the ability to decide who is worthy of life and who can be subjected to death, with racism and neoliberal market logics being the twin technologies of necropolitical violence. The thesis relies on primary material sourced from hundreds of pages of meeting minutes from the TRIPS Council, where opponents to the Waiver lay out their arguments and discursively construct their opposition in ways that are consistent with the necropolitical reading of global politics and structural violence. This thesis analyses this primary material in conjunction with secondary material from the pharmaceutical industry, uncovering discursive parallels that unveil the neoliberal logics that fuel opposition to the TRIPS Waiver. This thesis concludes that opposition to the TRIPS Waiver is both a driver and a symptom of a planetary renewal of colonial relations, in which neoliberal discourses around health have served to keep lifesaving treatments out of reach to those who cannot afford them during a deadly pandemic. The implications of necropolitical discourses around healthcare access for both democracy and for the future of the pandemic are fatal.

Taking the Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP) as a case study, this thesis contributes to the understanding of how the SDP and centre-left parties more generally were neoliberalised, this is to say how they became to embrace the idea that society is best organised through markets and competition. Drawing from the work of Stephanie Mudge, the thesis focuses on party experts, those party actors oriented towards producing truth-claims of society, hence affecting the way parties conceive the world and speak. Expert’s knowledge, however, is contingent on their social locations. They are often also situated in professional fields that tend to condition which ideas count as legitimate, making their positions explanatory relevant with regards to parties’ disposition and rhetoric. Methodologically the work draws from the tradition of historical sociology and Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social fields. The material utilised consists of (auto)biographies; past historical and social scientific research; reference works; SDP’s archival documents; and historical newspaper and magazine writings and interviews. The central argument is that Mudge’s account—taken as the work’s hypothesis—of the neoliberalisation of centre-left parties in “core countries” (the UK, the US, Sweden, and Germany) is inadequate in the case of the SDP embedded in Finland’s peripheral context. Mudge asserts that a central driver in the parties’ neoliberalisation was the interdependence between the political field of the party and the field of economics, which developed as interwar economic disruption incited an intense search within economics for novel ways to control the economy via public spending and demand management. This also led to an influx of academic economists with a “Keynesian ethic” to centre-left parties. The interdependence, however, allowed for economics’ politicisation from the 1960s onwards, this then influencing the field’s reorientation away from Keynesianism and towards monetarism and subsequently leading to the emergence and triumph of new party experts possessing a “neoliberal ethic”. Relatively stable interwar economic development, the bourgeoisie’s post-Civil War dominance in the society and academia, and the Finnish economics’ “backwardness” meant that no comparable need for seeking novel solutions existed nor was there responsiveness for the ideas developed abroad. Consequently, no interdependence between the SDP and economics developed in interwar or immediate postwar years. In the 1960s economic experts did gain a central position within the party. But these experts were not connected with the academia nor did the SDP embrace “Keynesian” prescriptions, the party and its experts instead banking on the combination of economic planning and export-led growth strategy. Neither was evidence found of economics’ politicisation as a left-wing discipline. Instead, it was oft precisely the SDP’s economic experts that critiqued “Keynesian” academic economists. In sum, arguably no interdependence between economics and the SDP developed either in this period. Instead, a new hypothesis is posited as an alternative account, namely that the SDP’s neoliberalisation can be better accounted for through the interdependence that developed between the bureaucratic field’s economic institutions and the party. Conjecturally, the interdependence, owing, among other things, to the SDP’s political appointments to the state, was politicised and the ideas of economic planning and the state’s control of the economy’s important elements were discredited in the context of the 1970s economic downturn. The interdependence, however, also led to novel kinds of experts—the state economists—gaining a powerful position within the SDP and making their interpretation of the economy common sense in the party. These experts perceived that their role in politics was to advance the “general interest” of the nation and the amorphous “people”, not any segment of it. With the export businesses hegemonic in society, in effect, this meant an emphasis on their profitability, cost competitiveness, and inflation and subsequently wage repression and budget constraint. The affinities between neoliberal notions and this policy conception and the habit in the Finnish state to conceive the world in terms of “external necessities” meant the state economists possessed great responsiveness to neoliberal ideas. While gaining preliminary support from evidence this hypothesis requires further work on several counts.

The use of emotion is becoming increasingly relevant in the fields of international relations and political communication. While new research has been attentive to the use and dissemination of emotion, it has failed to establish emotion as an individual category of study, thus mostly neglecting its role within political discourses. This thesis argues that emotion is key to understanding why some discourses are more appealing than others, using the theories of Ernesto Laclau, Jacques Lacan and Simon Koschut as theoretical framework. By combining the qualitative methods of Emotion Discourse Analysis and Pragmatics of Emotive Communication, this thesis studies how emotion is embedded within the Manifesto “The Programme of Change”, published by Podemos at the beginning of 2015 with the objective of inspiring the political campaigns of the multiple elections that were going to take place that year. My analysis is specifically focused on two topics. First, it aims to understand how emotions were used within the Manifesto to create the antagonistic groups “the people” and “the elite”. Second, it aims to expose the new feeling rules that the party proposed to challenge the narrative of the status quo. The results of my analysis show that Podemos created an image of a corrupted, self-serving and extravagant elite, while defining the people as a group of honest, trustworthy and capable citizens. The antagonism between both groups is sustained by a sense of unfairness and humiliation of the latter towards the former and it is built through a political discourse that puts forward five new feeling rules that challenge the elite’s power. The first feeling rule appeals to unfairness, turning it into anger towards the elite. The second appeals to anxiety, stressing the need for a quick change. The third evokes frustration, converting it into strength to gain power. The fourth relies on hope to draw and image of an optimistic future. The last evokes self-awareness to create a new order where ordinary people feel recognised and represented. The findings of this thesis add value to existing literature on Podemos, while also proving that emotion needs to be considered a valid unit of analysis in discourse analytical methodologies. It defines emotion as key to uncovering patterns in international relations, and it defends its role in sustaining and challenging structures of power.

Using an explanatory case study of the European Central Bank (ECB), this thesis studies the role quantitative easing has played in increasing central banks’ power following the Global Financial Crisis. Increases in central banks’ responsibilities and the reach of their operations have taken place at the outset of quantitative easing. Yet, despite having been a central monetary policy tool in contemporary central banking, no previous research exists on this development. To take into consideration the structurally powerful position central banks have in the modern world; the various transmission mechanisms and thus the reach of quantitative easing; as well as the role the global financial system plays in central banking, the thesis utilizes the theory of four sources of structural power together with global network structures. Through explanation building, the thesis builds a case of the ECB that reveals the power quantitative easing has unleashed via the unprecedented expansion of the ECB balance sheet and, ultimately, the control over the availability of money. Quantitative easing has also provided the ECB with new capabilities—direct control over market pricing—and responsibilities—possibly the most important of all, its new role as the sovereign bond buyer of last resort as the protector of the Eurosystem. While quantitative easing has challenged the traditional understanding of monetary policy, the justification for central bank independence, and the belief system behind the ECB, the ECB has managed to maintain its independence and position as the moral authority and expert on monetary policy. The thesis concludes that while quantitative easing may have increased the ECB’s structural power, it has not necessarily translated into positive effects for the central bank. Quantitative easing has disincentivized structural reforms in the indebted member states, which have benefitted from the ECB buying their low-demand government bonds; and increased distributional effects favoring the top wealth and income distribution, which have both ultimately led to claims of the ECB operating outside the bounds of monetary policy.

Finland’s national obsession with seeing itself on the world stage is nothing new to anyone familiar with the Nordic country. Finns love seeing the country mentioned in international media so much so that it elicits two slightly tongue-in-cheek phrases in Finnish, torille tavataan and Suomi mainittu. For Finland’s size, it seems to be mentioned quite frequently on social media as well. But does Finland actually have disproportionate soft power and nation branding given its population? This thesis takes a look at traditional ways of studying soft power, public diplomacy and nation branding and how they have adapted to the digital era. It also explains some of the potential gaps in measuring a country’s nation brand, especially in regards to YouTube. Using the sum of YouTube views from the first five pages of search results as a vector for quantitative research, this thesis also offers an example of a small study of nine other geographically diverse case countries all with similarly sized populations to Finland — New Zealand, Denmark, Norway, the Central African Republic, Slovakia, El Salvador, Paraguay, Ireland, and Singapore. YouTube videos can be further grouped into various of the sight’s own categories, showing which countries out perform others, offering more specific insight into nation branding successes and failures. Comparing these 10 countries, all in the same population weight class, can help determine whether Finland’s online presence is actually outsized or that’s a myth supported by confirmation bias.