Browsing by Subject "Japani"
Now showing items 1-8 of 8
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(2011)Modern-day economics is increasingly biased towards believing that institutions matter for growth, an argument that has been further enforced by the recent economic crisis. There is also a wide consensus on what these growth-promoting institutions should look like, and countries are periodically ranked depending on how their institutional structure compares with the best-practice institutions, mostly in place in the developing world. In this paper, it is argued that 'non-desirable' or 'second-best' institutions can be beneficial for fostering investment and thus providing a starting point for sustained growth, and that what matters is the appropriateness of institutions to the economy’s distance to the frontier or current phase of development. Anecdotal evidence from Japan and South-Korea is used as a motivation for studying the subject and a model is presented to describe this phenomenon. In the model, the rigidity or non-rigidity of the institutions is described by entrepreneurial selection. It is assumed that entrepreneurs are the ones taking part in the imitation and innovation of technologies, and that decisions on whether or not their projects are refinanced comes from capitalists. The capitalists in turn have no entrepreneurial skills and act merely as financers of projects. The model has two periods, and two kinds of entrepreneurs: those with high skills and those with low skills. The society’s choice of whether an imitation or innovation – based strategy is chosen is modeled as the trade-off between refinancing a low-skill entrepreneur or investing in the selection of the entrepreneurs resulting in a larger fraction of high-skill entrepreneurs with the ability to innovate but less total investment. Finally, a real-world example from India is presented as an initial attempt to test the theory. The data from the example is not included in this paper. It is noted that the model may be lacking explanatory power due to difficulties in testing the predictions, but that this should not be seen as a reason to disregard the theory – the solution might lie in developing better tools, not better just better theories. The conclusion presented is that institutions do matter. There is no one-size-fits-all-solution when it comes to institutional arrangements in different countries, and developing countries should be given space to develop their own institutional structures that cater to their specific needs.
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(2024)Kylmän sodan huipulla viiden Kaakkois-Aasian valtion voimin perustettu ASEAN on puuttumattomuuteen ja konsensuspäätöksentekoon perustuvan ASEAN Way -periaatteen avulla lisännyt alueen valtioiden välistä luottamusta. Tämä kehitys on johtanut sen agendan laajentumisen Koillis-Aasiaan instituutiorakentein, joista keskeisimpiä ovat ASEANin alueellisen foorumi (ARF), ASEAN+3 (APT) sekä Itä-Aasian huippukokous (EAS). ASEANin menestyksen myötä näiden Koillis-Aasian valtioita osallistavien instituutioiden on odotettu luovan ratkaisuja alueen vaikeaan luottamusongelmaan. Kiinan, Japanin ja Etelä-Korean välisissä suhteissa geo- ja historiapoliittiset jännitteet kietoutuvat toisiinsa. Sotien ja siirtomaavallan jälkeensä jättäneet kipeät muistot ovat alueen valtioiden välisen epäluottamuksen keskiössä. Siksi tutkielmassa selvitetään, millaisia ASEANin instituutiorakenteiden luottamusta lisäävät toimet ovat ja millainen rooli Koillis-Aasian historiapoliittisella todellisuudella on ASEANin luottamuksen rakentamisen prosessissa. Tarkastelun tukena sovelletaan LTL-toimet poliittisiin, turvallisuuspoliittisiin, taloudellisiin ja sosiaalisiin jakavaa typologiaa. Tutkimuksen aineistona käytetään ASEANin asiakirjoja vuosilta 1994–2022. ARF:n, APT:n ja EAS:n luottamusta lisäävät toimet ovat moninaisia kattaen muun muassa poliittisen dialogin, sotilaallisen läpinäkyvyyden ja meriliikenteen turvallisuuden edistämisen hankkeita, talouden, ympäristön ja kulttuurin projekteja sekä koulutusvaihtoa. ASEAN ei ole kuitenkaan tarttunut luottamusta rakentavin mekanismein Koillis-Aasian menneisyyden haasteeseen. Viittaukset syvään ja historialliseen epäluottamukseen eivät ole konkretisoituneet teoiksi ASEAN-prosessissa. Vaikka ASEAN Way -periaatteen aiheuttamaa matalaa institutionalisoitumista ja tehottomuutta on kritisoitu, on ASEANilla tärkeä rooli Koillis-Aasian valtioiden välisen luottamuksen lisääjänä. Historiakiistojen käsitteleminen on kuitenkin välttämätöntä Koillis-Aasian luottamuspulan ratkaisemiseksi ja siksi siihen on pyrittävä muin keinoin.
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(2012)This thesis is an ethnographic study of chadō, the Japanese way of Tea, with particular focus on the social and communal aspects present in a formal Tea event, a chaji. Perhaps as a result of the closed nature of the Japanese way of Tea (an invitation from the host is required in order to take part in a chaji) previous studies of the subject in English have confined themselves primarily to the aesthetic or artistic nature of chadō. In contrast, this study emphasizes the ritual and symbolic aspects of a chaji, examining Tea (the term used to describe chadō within the study), as a transition ritual, the ultimate goal of which is enlightenment or tranquillity. Through a comprehensive analysis of Tea and its practice, the findings of this study suggest that a special social-sphere is created during a chaji, a sphere which in turn fosters a sense of shared community between the participants. As a result of the ritual practice and the manifestation of symbolic communication within a chaji, shared values of respect and harmony are affirmed and renewed among the community. The initial fieldwork for this study was conducted over a period of three months in Kyōto Japan, based on participant observation at the Urasenke school of Tea as well as through conducting interviews with some of the school’s students. This first-hand observation and research was then filtered through the lens of transition rituals as defined by the classic study Rite de passage of Van Gennep and Victor Turner’s conceptualization of society and rituals. In linking the data to these theoretical frameworks, the findings show that in participating in a chaji, Tea practitioners are able to leave the mundane world behind them, moving through a phase of symbolic cleansing, and into the sacred or spiritual realm of Tea. This transition occurs in three distinct phases which Van Gennep defines as separation, transition, and incorporation. The study argues that it is possible to view a sense of shared community among chaji practitioners as taking place not within the realm of structured society, but rather in its margins. As such, the individual participant of a chaji is no longer defined by his or her status or role in society at large; when participating in a chaji, the Tea practitioner is sharing in a 'once in a lifetime' experience of shared communal harmony. The findings also suggest that through its focus on traditional Japanese art forms (ceramics, calligraphy, flower arrangement), Tea operates as a mechanism to create a communal experience with a shared value system. Although chadō is defined by its adherents as being quintessentially Japanese, this study makes comparisons to other consumption rituals in which a communal feeling is achieved among the participants.
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(2017)This thesis aimed to examine Japan’s lawmaking process that lead to the passage of the PKO law, also known as the peacekeeping law of 1992. The focus was on the government discussions that occurred during the period from September 1991 to June 1992. The issues revolving around the topic were extremely controversial. The root of the problem lies in Japan’s history, and the country’s international standing. This thesis is built on political discourse analysis. The primary objective is to aid in an understanding of the reasons behind the PKO law's creation. Most of the materials cited are government discussions about the law including the explanation of purpose, question rounds, committee reports, and plenary sessions in the House of Councillors and the House of Representatives. The analysis was focused on the expressed views shared by the speakers in the Diet on a micro level, while at the same time showing the effects of the proposed bill on a macro level. Also included were questions about the role played by the leading party, the Liberal Democratic Party, who was the main instigator in the law drafting process. The main questions can be limited to two: Was there a shift in the country's politics as it relates to the issues surrounding the bill's contents? What was the reason that the government strove so hard to pass this bill into law? Through the years, Japan’s foreign policy can be said to be evasive on some points, but with taking part in the peacekeeping operations, there was a slight shift in politics. Japan’s foreign policy was already UN-centered, so participating in the PKO operations was not that massive of a change. Overall, the result of the Gulf Crisis gave the Liberal Democratic Party a reason to make a push for the passing of the PKO bill, and some saw the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces as the party's last significant effort to redefine Japan as a normal state. In June of 1992 the passed PKO law turned out to be a compromised law. What can be seen from the overall discussions in both houses was that they centered in the perceived unconstitutionality of the bill as well as the use of the army and possible use of force. In some public hearings lawyers and legal advisors stated that they were against the law. Despite this, the opposition, however, did not take into an account changing public opinion, and the government was able to pass the law successfully. Discussion of the bill, in Japan as well abroad, presented a variety of reactions, at the center of them was fear of dispatching the Self-Defense Forces. In conclusion, the army and the peacekeeping operations were two separate matters, and the passing of the bill was a chance for the country to be more active in an international setting.
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(2023)Tämä tutkielma käsittelee Suomeen aikuisena muuttaneiden japanilaisten henkilöiden kokemuksia muutosta ja sen vaikutuksista elämään. Tutkielma osallistuu antropologiseen keskusteluun käsittelemällä erityisesti keskiluokkaisen muuttoliikkeen vaikutuksia ja uudelleentyöstämistä sekä jäämisen mahdollistamista. Keskeisin tutkimuskysymys on, minkälaisia kuuluvuuden käsityksiä Suomeen muuttaneiden japanilaisten kertomuksissa ilmeni. Kuuluvuuden lisäksi tutkielmassa analysoidaan holistisella otteella useita aiheita, kattaen kulttuurisen toiminnan, mielikuvien, vallan, kansallisuuden ja kansalaisuuden, yhteisöllisyyden sekä toimijuuden näkökulmia. Tutkielmassa tyypitellään ja luokitellaan havaintoja, jotka nousivat viidestä kahdenkeskisestä puolistrukturoidusta ja litteroidusta haastattelusta. Suomeen muuttamisen syyt liittyivät erityisesti arvostettuun ja tuettuun koulutukseen ja muihin positiivisiin mielikuviin Suomesta ja muista Pohjoismaista. Muuttoliikettä motivoivat erityisesti tuet ja ilmainen koulutus. Jäämistä hankaloittivat väliaikaiset oleskeluluvat, kaksoiskansalaisuuden mahdollisuuden puuttuminen ja suomen kielen oppimisen haasteet. Jäämistä mahdollistivat taloudellinen tuki, lasten koulutusmahdollisuudet, vakituinen työ, yhteisöihin osallistuminen, työn ja vapaa-ajan tasapaino sekä tyytyväisyys. Suomessa asumisen eduiksi koettiin esimerkiksi Japania parempi työn ja vapaa-ajan tasapaino, suurempi tasa-arvo ja matalampi hierarkia. Osallistujilla oli erilaisia, osin tilannesidonnaisia identiteettejä ja kuuluvuuden kokemuksia, jotka eivät vaikuttaneet liittyvän Suomessa vietetyn ajan pituuteen. Osallistujat osallistuivat vietetystä ajasta riippumatta suomalaiseksi, kansainväliseksi ja japanilaiseksi miellettyihin aktiviteetteihin ja yhteisöihin. Juhla- ja ruokakulttuuri olivat näkyvimpiä japanilaisen kulttuurin ilmenemismuotoja. Osallistujat suhtautuivat epäröivästi Suomen kansalaisuuden hakemiseen, sillä se tarkoittaisi Japanin kansalaisuudesta luopumista. Suomesta poismuuttamista kohtaan ei ollut vahvoja pyrkimyksiä.
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(2012)Suomalainen design on viime vuosina noussut hyvin suosituksi Japanissa. Tämän työn pyrkimyksenä on valottaa sitä, mikä suomalaisessa designissa oikein viehättää japanilaisia. Työssä tarkastellaan japanilaisten design-ammattilaisten suomalaista designia koskevia mielikuvia ja verrataan niitä Suomessa vallitsevaan käsitykseen suomalaisesta designistä luonnonläheisenä, yksinkertaisena ja laadukkaana. Suomalainen design nähdään tässä työssä myyttinä Roland Barthesin tarkoittamassa mielessä: suomalainen design on historiallisesti ja kulttuurisesti rakennettu kokonaisuus, joka on naturalisoitu. Media ja markkinointi ovat vuosien saatossa rakentaneet suomalaisesta designista myytin, joka vaikuttaa luonnolliselta. Tässä tutkimuksessa oletetaan, että myytti muuttuu, kun siirrytään toiseen kulttuuripiiriin. Suomalaisen designin käsite voi kuljettaa mukanaan jopa täysin toisenlaista myyttiä kuin mikä Suomessa vallitsee. Tutkimusta varten haastateltiin avoimena teemahaastatteluna 12 suomalaisen designin parissa työskentelevää asiantuntijaa. Näistä 10 oli japanilaisia ja kaksi Japanin designmarkkinoihin perehtynyttä suomalaista. Haastateltavat valittiin harkinnanvaraisella otoksella yhteistyössä Suomen Japanin Instituutin silloisen kulttuuri- ja viestintäpäällikön kanssa. Haastattelujen teemat käsittelivät suomalaista designia sekä sen suhteita muun muassa muuhun pohjoismaiseen designiin. Haastateltavien lausumien analyysissä sovellettiin Barthesin dynaamista lukutapaa, jonka avulla myyttejä voidaan avata ja tulkita. Siinä lausumat liitetään historialliseen ja kulttuuriseen kontekstiinsa ja näin palautetaan niille myytin niiltä viemä historia. Tarkoituksena ei kuitenkaan ole 'murtaa' myyttiä vaan elää myytin tarina eli dynamiikka niin kuin se on tarkoitettu elettäväksi, mutta samalla tiedostaa myytin pyrkimys vääristää. Tämän tutkimuksen tavoitteena on paikantaa ja tulkita myyttejä toiseen kulttuuriin kuuluvien ihmisten lausumista, joten paikallisen tulkintaympäristön historiallisen ja kulttuurisen kontekstin mukaan tuominen on tulkinnan avain. Tutkimuksen tulosten perusteella japanilaiset näkevät suomalaisessa designissa samat luonnollisuuden, yksinkertaisuuden ja laadun ominaisuudet kuin Suomessakin on tapana nähdä. Niiden sisällöt kuitenkin poikkeavat varsin merkittävästi suomalaisten mielikuvista. Japanilaisille nämä määreet viittaavat yksittäisten esineiden ominaisuuksien sijaan enemmänkin suomalaiseen elämäntyyliin ja elämän laatuun: suomalaisen designin käsite kuljettaa mukanaan mielikuvia Suomesta maana. Tutkimuksessa löydettiin lisäksi japanilaisille tyypillinen kawaiin eli 'söpöyden' luokka, joka saa suomalaisen designin vaikuttamaan tutulta ja turvalliselta japanilaisten silmissä. Jo kaksi vuosikymmentä jatkuneen heikon taloudellisen tilanteen ja epävarmojen olojen keskellä Suomi näyttäytyy japanilaisille 'söpönä' Muumilaaksona, jossa kaikista pidetään huolta ja kaikkien elämä on onnellista. Suomalainen design kuljettaa mukanaan näitä käsityksiä hyvästä ja rauhallisesta elämästä, ja hankkimalla design-esineen japanilainen ikään kuin hankkii itselleen palan tuota onnea ja mielenrauhaa.
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(2017)This thesis examines the proposal to build a new national memorial for the commemoration of the war dead in Japan. The immediate background to the suggestion for a new memorial was the diplomatic crisis caused by Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichirō’s official visit to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine on 13th August, 2001. The previous time a Japanese prime minister had officially visited the shrine was in 1985, when Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro’s visit caused a similar domestic and international media uproar. On the date of his visit to the shrine, PM Koizumi held a speech in which he said there is a need to discuss “how one should, regardless of nationality, commemorate the war dead without hesitation while respecting the feelings of the people regarding the Yasukuni Shrine and the Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery”. The commemoration of the war dead in Japan is examined in the theoretical framework of politics of memory and national identity. Japanese history culture is analysed from the perspective contested memory and the ability of Japan to come to terms with its past. This discussion centres around the concepts of Japanese war guilt (sensō sekinin) and historical consciousness (rekishi ninshiki). The Yasukuni Problem is also analysed from the point of view of contested memory and identity, as it constitutes a major part of the political and cultural context in which the proposal to build a new national memorial for the commemoration of the war dead emerged. The analysis of historical narratives and the politics of memory focuses heavily on the analysis of concepts. The method used in analysing materials in this thesis is Quentin Skinner’s theory on how changing concepts reflect our political and social reality. The emphasis in on understanding the wider context where the concepts are used in order to avoid misunderstandings. The primary sources studied in this thesis consist primarily of the material produced by the Discussion Group (kondankai) to “consider a memorial or other facility for the commemoration of the war dead and prayers for peace”, set up in December, 2001, by Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda Yasuo based on PM Koizumi’s speech earlier that year. Despite the various relatively lengthy debates during the meetings of the Discussion Group, the proposal for a new national memorial, released in late 2002 as a concluding report, is neutral in terms of the interpretation of history and war memory, leaving questions of Japanese war guilt open-ended. This discrepancy reflects the highly divided nature of Japanese history consciousness and collective memory. The national historical narrative formulated in the report is that of Japan as a democratic, peace-loving country (heiwa kokka). The proposed new memorial has potential of solving some of the problems associated with the controversial Yasukuni Shrine, especially on the international level. However, due to intense criticism from various angles, the new memorial remains yet to be build. Its success as a solution to the problem of the commemoration of the war dead in Japan relies on the political will the Japanese government to build it and to make it socially meaningful enough to compete with the Yasukuni Shrine as the central memorial for the war dead in Japan.
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(2013)The current thesis analyses the reasons why Japan and North Korea have never entered into diplomatic relations and examines the prospects and opportunities for the normalization of their bilateral ties. The period of seven decades since Japanese colonial rule over the Korean Peninsula had ceased, has not been sufficient for either side to come up in good terms with history and politics. The existing historical tensions between the two nations and the absence of diplomatic relations has also constituted over the years to be an omnipresent threat to regional stability and security within the Northeast Asian region. This thesis focuses on both sides’ perceptions of conflict and further outlines and analyzes the priorities both Japan and North Korea strongly desire to retain within their bilateral agenda. Interviews carried out in 2010 and 2011 in Japan and North Korea constitute the empirical part of this study. Since all interviews were conducted not in the distant past, their impact on the thesis is significant but not self-sufficient; analysis of academic literature, press and official documents has been necessary to validate or cast aside main arguments in this thesis. The theoretical framework used in the entire study is the negotiation theory and its Integrative Bargaining Approach (IBA) that is also widely known as Interest-Based Bargaining (IBB). The most important feature of this theoretical framework is it provides a rationale for analyzing the Japan-North Korea ties by examination and inclusion of any issues while reducing them to a core of mutual interests, or shared interests with identifiable mutual gains. Normalization of diplomatic relations in the bilateral context of Japan and North Korea translates to practically enabling the two states to communicate with each other, ensuring certainty of diplomatic representation and interactions on more personal level that could transcend further to economic, cultural, socio-political and business realms. Therefore, by recognizing deductive processes in qualitative research, and by utilizing deductive qualitative research, the study suggests that there is a potential for both Japan and North Korea interests to be integrated in such manner, so to create joint value and attain the normalization of diplomatic relations. The qualitative data analysis suggests it has always been omnipresent chronic failure of negotiation efforts, outlining that in the past the parties have not identified shared interests and opportunities to realize mutual gains through trades across multiple issues, which gap this study is aimed to fill in. There are two key findings in this thesis. First, there are identifiable, shared interests and opportunities for realizing mutual gains, which could be used in initiating and nurturing negotiations between Japan and North Korea towards the goal for diplomatic normalization. Second, the IBA/IBB is the theoretical approach, prescribing proper techniques on how to reduce the bulk of multiple conflicts and enable engagement by the two neighboring states that reflects only issues in which they both recognize mutual interests and possible gains.
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