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Browsing by Subject "Namibia"

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  • Simberg, Nina (2012)
    This research examines the flow of African foreign news in two Namibian and two Tanzanian newspapers. The materia] consists of 1424 foreign news articles from two privately and two government owned newspapers in Namibia and Tanzania. The objective of the research is to study what African foreign reporting is like in twoNamibian and two Tanzanian newspapers and how extensive it is. In addition differences and similarities between the countries and the four newspapers are examined. The research also clarifies how African foreign news coverage in Namibia and Tanzania fits into patterns found in previous international news flow research. News flow within Africa is interesting to study because of a strong feeling of African common identity and unity but also because foreign news can affect our worldview. News flow within and into Africa is in this paper studied with the starting point in theories of media imperialism, globalization and in the light of the heated political debate about a New World Information and Communication Order during the 1970s and 1980s. News values and determinants found in research in international news flow are also summarized. African foreign news within Africa is examined with a quantitative content analysis, which is based on an extensive foreign news flow study conducted by UNESCO in 1979. In addition, semi -structured interviews with one editor from each of the examined newspapers have been added to provide explanations and depth to the results. The results show that news flow in these two Sub-Saharan African countries still follow many of the old patterns found in studies from the 1960s onwards. Nevertheless, the flow of international news into Africa has shifted its focus from Western Europe and USA to Asia. Inside the continent the own geopolitical region is still covered most. Topics such as international and domestic politics as well as economic news are covered largely both within and outside Africa. Large international news agencies still play an important role in covering events within Africa. Some alternative sources are, nevertheless, used more frequently especially in feature stories. News from other developing regions in the world is scarce in the examined material. Interestingly, the ownership structure of the four newspapers does not seem to affect the content of foreign African news and the differences between the two examined countries are also relatively small.
  • Paavoseppä, Mari (2013)
    Äitiyskuolleisuuden vähentäminen 75 prosentilla vuosien 1990 ja 2015 välisenä aikana on yksi YK:n vuosituhattavoitteista. Keskeinen keino tavoitteeseen pääsemiseksi on mahdollistaa kaikille raskaana oleville naisille pääsy hyvälaatuiseen äitiysterveydenhoitoon. Lounais-Afrikassa sijaitsevassa Namibiassa äitiyskuolleisuus on kasvanut viime vuosikymmeninä. Lisäksi köyhät ja maaseudulla asuvat namibialaisnaiset saavat heikommin äitiysterveydenhoitoa kuin kaupungissa asuvat varakkaammat naiset. Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastellaan asuinalueen mukaista vaihtelua äitiysterveydenhoidon saamisessa Namibiassa. Tavoitteena oli selvittää, millaisia eroja on hoidon saamisessa asuinalueiden välillä ja selittävätkö naisen sosiodemografiset tekijät tai naisen asemaan liittyvät naisen omat tai asuinalueen miesten ja naisten asenteet alueiden välistä eroa hoidon saamisessa. Taustamuuttujia olivat naisen koulutustaso, kotitalouden varallisuus, naisen siviilisääty, aiempien synnytysten määrä sekä naisen asenne naisiin kohdistuvaan väkivaltaan. Aluetason muuttujia olivat asuinalueen naisten ja miesten asenne naisiin kohdistuvaan väkivaltaan sekä alueen miesten asenne siihen, saako mies käyttää valtaa naista kohtaan sekä siihen, onko synnytys vain naisen huolenaihe. Aineistona tutkimuksessa käytettiin Namibia Demographic and Health Survey 2006–2007 -otantatutkimusta, jossa haastateltiin 13 719 henkilöä. Heistä 4029 oli synnyttäneitä naisia. Analyysi tehtiin logistisella regressioanalyysillä. Aineiston mutkikas otanta-asetelma huomioitiin logistisessa regressioanalyysissä käyttämällä asetelmaperustaista tilastollista analyysiä. Tutkimuksessa Namibian 13 hallinnollista aluetta jaettiin kolmeen ryhmään: pohjoiseen, pääkaupunkiin ja muuhun osaan maasta. Pohjoiseen kuuluivat Caprivin, Kavangon, Ohangwenan, Omusatin, Oshanan ja Oshikoton hallinnolliset alueet, pääkaupunkiin Khomas ja muu maa -alueeseen Erongo, Hardap, Karas, Omaheke ja Otjozundupa. Asuinalueiden välillä oli eroja äitiysterveydenhoidon saamisessa kaikissa hoidon osa-alueissa. Raskaudenaikaisista komplikaatioista annettavaa tietoa saivat heikoiten muu maa -alueella asuvat ja parhaiten pääkaupungissa asuvat, kun tiedon saamista tarkasteltiin vain asuinalueittain. Varallisuus sekä naisiin kohdistuvaan väkivaltaan liittyvät asenteet selittivät asuinalueen ja hoidon saamisen yhteyttä niin, että muuttujien vakioinnin jälkeen pohjoisessa sai parhaiten tietoa raskauteen liittyvistä komplikaatioista. Muu maa -alueella tiedon saaminen oli heikointa taustatekijöiden tai asenteiden vakioinnista huolimatta. Synnytyksen aikana ja sen jälkeen heikoiten hoitoa sai pohjoisessa ja parhaiten pääkaupungissa. Raskauden ja synnytyksen aikaisessa sekä synnytyksen jälkeisessä hoidossa varallisuus selitti asuinalueiden ja hoidon saamisen yhteyttä eniten. Kuitenkaan tarkastellut taustamuuttujat eivät selittäneet asuinalueiden ja hoidon saamisen yhteyttä kokonaan, vaan kaikkien muuttujien vakioimisen jälkeen hoitoa sai edelleen parhaiten pääkaupungissa ja heikoiten pohjoisessa. Alueen lisäksi sosiodemografisilla tekijöillä ja naisen asemaan liittyvillä asenteilla oli yhteys hoidon saamiseen. Kaikissa hoidon osa-alueissa koulutuksen kasvu lisäsi mahdollisuutta hoitoon, myös varallisuuden pienikin lisääntyminen oli yhteydessä parempaan hoidon saamiseen. Kaikissa hoidon osa-alueissa useat aiemmat synnytykset sekä naisiin kohdistuvan väkivallan hyväksyminen sen sijaan vaikeuttivat hoidon saamista. Synnytyksen aikaisessa ja synnytyksen jälkeisessä hoidossa myös miehen asenne siihen, että synnytys oli vain naisen huolenaihe, heikensi hoidon saamista. Tutkimuksen tulokset vahvistivat aiempaa tutkimustietoa siitä, että heikoiten äitiysterveydenhoitoa saavat pohjoisessa sekä maaseudulla asuvat köyhät ja kouluttamattomat naiset. Uutta tietoa tutkimus antoi asuinalueiden välisistä asenne-eroista Namibiassa sekä niiden yhteydestä hoidon saamiseen. Pohjoisessa naiseen kohdistuva väkivalta, naiseen kohdistuva vallankäyttö sekä se, että synnytys on vain naisen huolenaihe, oli muita alueita hyväksytympää. Namibia on sitoutunut YK:n vuosituhattavoitteiden mukaiseen äitiyskuolleisuuden laskuun, mutta sen on vaikeata saavuttaa tavoitteita, jolleivät pohjoisen köyhimmät naiset saa nykyistä paremmin äitiysterveydenhoitoa. Namibian olisi siten parannettava pohjoisessa asuvien naisten mahdollisuuksia saada terveydenhoitoa etenkin synnytyksen aikana sekä sen jälkeen.
  • Palomäki, Anu Pauliina (2010)
    This thesis studies the basic income grant proposal in Namibia. The proposal suggests a monthly grant of N$100 (approximately 10€) to all those Namibian citizens who do not receive the state pension. This thesis concentrates on the Basic Income Grant (BIG) Coalition and on its work. The formation and transformation of the coalition during the time period between 2003 and 2009 is analyzed with the help of data collected during two field work periods in 2008 and 2009. The data includes interviews, newspaper articles, observations and other background material. The analysis of this material is mainly conducted from organizational viewpoint. The final part of the thesis applies the results to the theory of Mosse, whose propositions about policy and practice will be discussed in relation to the basic income grant pilot project. The thesis argues that social legitimacy has been a vital resource for the work of the BIG Coalition and it has sought for it in various ways. The concept of social legitimacy originates from the resource dependence perspective of Pfeffer and Salancik, who propose that organizations are dependent on their environments, and on the resources provided by the surrounding environment. This thesis studies the concept of social legitimacy in the context of resource dependence theory. Social legitimacy is analyzed in the relations between the coalition and its environment, in the formation of the coalition, in the responses towards criticism, and finally in relation to the propositions concerning policy and practice. The work of the coalition in the pilot project will be analyzed through the propositions of Mosse concerning policy and practice. The results will describe and analyze key events in the formation of the BIG Coalition from the South African proposal until the end of the basic income pilot project. This BIG pilot project conducted in 2008-2009 is one of the most well-known activities of the coalition. The clashes between the coalition and its environment will be analyzed through four case studies. It will be shown that the project has been conducted in order to gain more legitimacy to the basic income grant proposal. The conclusion questions the legitimacy of the BIG Coalition as a research and development organization, and requests for more transparent research on the basic income proposal in Namibia.
  • Pihlaja, Ulla-Kaisa (2017)
    Namibia has gone through great changes since its independence in 1990. The new constitution illegalized the apartheid rule and racial discrimination, but the history has left its marks on the contemporary society. The class inequalities are one the biggest in the world, and they still intertwine with the racial and tribal memberships. Although any kind of discrimination is strictly forbidden in the society, the prejudices still remain. Furthermore, the gender roles are in transition and women encounter multiple, sometimes conflicting expectations. In this context, the thesis studies multidimensional identity from the perspective of decency. More specifically, it explores how decency is conceived among black female nurses of Katutura township in Windhoek. The study investigates how the racial, tribal, gender, class and professional identities intersect and contribute to the perceptions of a ‘decent person’. The study also discovers how young women try to answer simultaneously to the traditional and modern female ideals. Lastly, the thesis illustrates how the class dominance, traditional gender roles and the ethnic and racial prejudices are resisted and reproduced through the perceptions on decency. In terms of class-related decency was demonstrated by diving the ‘indecent them’ to the upper and lower classes. The whites and the majority tribe of Owambos were accused of being discriminatory and having better opportunities in life. The lower classes were instead stigmatized as lazy and immoral individuals, who did not deserve the higher socio-economic positions. Thus, both the better and worse-off were claimed being less respectable than the interviewed nurses, who represented the middle class. However, the interviewees also identified with the lower class and admitted that the societal structures hindered their class mobility. To summarize, they simultaneously maintained and resisted the class dominance. Class also had a strong link to the female respectability. On the other hand, the modern woman was expected to be independent, to take care of herself and not to rely on the assistance of men. As the interviewees had succeeded in this, they achieved the dignity of a modern working woman. Still, on the other hand, the traditions expected them to follow the old gender roles. The conflicting expectations became apparent, for example when discussing the ‘ideal nurse’. The decent nurse was supposed to be a feminine mother-type of a figure, who put herself last in order to help others. Still, also the high professional expertise made the ‘proper nurse’. In this way, the nursing profession both strengthened and faded the women’s femininity and simultaneously rejected and reproduced the traditional gender ideals. However, it was the co-existence of the traditional and modern decency that enabled the nurses to maintain their respectability in the changing society. Regarding the racial and tribal relations, any kind of discrimination was condemned. Nevertheless, the condemnation was also an issue of differentiating those who had a good sense of morals and those who did not. The interviewees argued that the whites were still racist, but that they themselves promoted equality like a decent person should do. Considering this, it is controversial that they seemed to forget the principles of the universal equality when talking about the ethnic difference. They reproduced the same prejudices they judged in regard to racial discrimination. Moreover, they underlined their old and new identities as they draw strong lines between the racial and tribal groups, but also claimed for absolute equity. In this light, it is possible to argue that the societal transformation has a great impact on the decency perceptions of the Namibians. The historical stances remain side by side the ideologies of the post-apartheid era, although the attitudinal change is taking place. The class inequalities and discrimination clash with the aspirations of equality, the traditional gender roles are challenged by the modern female respectabilities and the group relations are defined by both reconciliation and boundary making.
  • Suomela, Marja (2013)
    The amount of people, NGOs, media and public offices devoting themselves to anti-corruption in Namibia has been exploding during the 21st century. Corruption accusations have become part of political rhetoric and media coverage of corruption has increased dramatically. The study examines the definitions of corruption and the role that the concept of corruption plays in the political discussion in Namibia. The study will situate the Namibian fight against corruption in the international good governance agenda and to the local political and social developments in Namibia. The theoretical perspectives of the study highlight the discursive nature of any policy issue and pay attention to the discursive field of corruption and anti-corruption. The study suggests that corruption may, among other things, be used to identify and dismiss (political) rivals and may provide various actors with means to participate in political discussion at local or national level. The main part of the fieldwork for the study was conducted in Windhoek, Namibia, in the period of January-June 2008. The data includes theme interviews of Namibian anti-corruption actors. The interviews are complemented by newspaper articles as well as material produced by NGOs and other organizations. The study argues that Namibian anti-corruption has its specific features that could be based on its history and apartheid, political culture and socio-economic disparity. The study identifies three essential conditions in understanding the importance of corruption discourse in Namibia. The first condition is the international development trend emphasizing corruption, including social engineering and values. International pressure, interest of donors and anti-corruption being a global phenomenon contribute to the discussion on corruption having been exploding in Namibia. Secondly, the regime changes - from apartheid to independence and later from President Nujoma to President Pohamba – are seen as playing a role. Thirdly, in addition to political changes, Namibians aspire broader societal change including material conditions and the economic change. Thus, the policy of Black Economic Empowerment plays a central role in Namibian corruption discussion. The study argues that anti-corruption, similar to many other 'anti-policies', is not simply the opposition of corruption but a political space of its own.
  • Helminen, Marja-Liisa (2011)
    This study presents a population projection for Namibia for years 2011–2020. In many countries of sub-Saharan Africa, including Namibia, the population growth is still continuing even though the fertility rates have declined. However, many of these countries suffer from a large HIV epidemic that is slowing down the population growth. In Namibia, the epidemic has been severe. Therefore, it is important to assess the effect of HIV/AIDS on the population of Namibia in the future. Demographic research on Namibia has not been very extensive, and data on population is not widely available. According to the studies made, fertility has been shown to be generally declining and mortality has been significantly increasing due to AIDS. Previous population projections predict population growth for Namibia in the near future, yet HIV/AIDS is affecting the future population developments. For the projection constructed in this study, data on population is taken from the two most recent censuses, from 1991 and 2001. Data on HIV is available from HIV Sentinel Surveys 1992–2008, which test pregnant women for HIV in antenatal clinics. Additional data are collected from different sources and recent studies. The projection is made with software (EPP and Spectrum) specially designed for developing countries with scarce data. The projection includes two main scenarios which have different assumptions concerning the development of the HIV epidemic. In addition, two hypothetical scenarios are made: the first considering the case where HIV epidemic would never have existed and the second considering the case where HIV treatment would never have existed. The results indicate population growth for Namibia. Population in the 2001 census was 1.83 million and is projected to result in 2.38/2.39 million in 2020 in the first two scenarios. Without HIV, population would be 2.61 million and without treatment 2.30 million in 2020. Urban population is growing faster than rural. Even though AIDS is increasing mortality, the past high fertility rates still keep young adult age groups quite large. The HIV epidemic shows to be slowing down, but it is still increasing the mortality of the working-aged population. The initiation of HIV treatment in 2004 in the public sector seems to have had an effect on many projected indicators, diminishing the impact of HIV on the population. For example, the rise of mortality is slowing down.
  • Kostiainen, Elina (2018)
    Taxation has been trending in the financing for development agenda once again since the Monterrey Consensus in 2002. It has been widely stated amongst developing countries, donors and international institutions, that there is a growing importance for enhancing developing countries’ capacity to collect taxes in order to secure financing of SDG’s and reduce dependence on development assistance. Furthermore, it is believed that taxation plays a central role in building democratic and accountable states. Many donor countries, including Finland, have committed to double their support by the year 2020 to improve tax systems in developing countries. Namibia is one of the signatories of the Addis Tax Initiative (ATI), and has committed to step up its revenue collection in accordance with the principles aligned in the ATI. Although it is a popular idea that direct taxing of the citizens can lead to more responsive and accountable governments in developing countries, little research has been conducted that shed light on the complexity of this relationship in practice. The aim of this thesis is to provide insight on how legitimate do Namibian citizens consider the fact that they are being taxed, and which factors influence emergence or lack of this legitimacy. In order to gain understanding on this topic, qualitative thematic interviews have been conducted with Namibians and various tax experts. Three theoretical concepts – fiscal contract proposition, legitimacy and economic citizenship – are applied to the analysis of the interview material to illuminate different aspects that affect the perceived legitimacy of taxation. Although Namibia has a particularly high ratio of tax revenue to GDP in comparison to other sub-Saharan countries and collects a remarkable share of its revenues from direct taxes, it seems that the fiscal contract is unfounded in Namibia. None of the respondents thought that they are directly benefitting from paying taxes and saw very few benefits in paying taxes in general. Particularly the government’s irresponsible spending and corruption were major factors undermining the legitimacy of taxation in Namibia. Taxpayer education and possibilities to influence on the government’s decision-making were considered as very limited. Political culture matters; due to the dominant party system and weak civil society, there seems to prevail an attitude within the Namibian government that they do not need to be accountable toward the taxpaying citizens, as there is no alternative to vote for. The limitations of the fiscal contract proposition in the Namibian context are also discussed considering the demographic, geographic and economic structure, as well as the structure of political decision-making in Namibia. This thesis intends to draw attention to the context-specificity of taxation and its role in shaping state-society relations.
  • Syväoja, Nita (2019)
    Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract One of the most critical post-independence issues of nation-building and inclusive national political, economic and social development is inequality between regions and ethnic communities in Namibia. Namibia is a diverse ethno-cultural country, and the plurality of different ethnic and linguistic communities create difficulties considering holistic national development processes since variety of needs should be supported and provided. Although Namibia has been performing well according various developmental indicators since the independence in 1990, a number of ethnic minorities are in vulnerable and marginalized position in the country. The study elaborates the issue of what constitutes the marginalization of ethnic minorities in Namibia in order to understand the mechanisms and forces that maintain certain ethnic communities marginalized in the society, as well as comprehend the developmental impact of marginalization. The question will be examined by investigating three interrelated aspects: 1) The definition and identification of ethnic marginalized communities; 2) How recognition is constituted by the state and what is the impact on the ethnic communities? and; 3) What are the key developmental issues that constitute/maintain the situation? All these issues will be explored by investigating the key interrelated mechanisms and forces that constitute the marginalization of ethnic communities in Namibia including historical patterns of exclusion, ethnic labelling, the state policies and practices, and political and socio-economic citizenship. In order to shed light on the topic, 26 qualitative thematic interviews have been conducted among young Namibian respondents and Namibian and international experts, complemented by a literature review. It was found out, that all respondents as well as the state acknowledge the existence of ethnic marginalized communities and their marginalized position in the country. Further, it is generally acknowledged which ethnic communities are considered to be marginalized. The main argument is, that the situation of certain ethnic communities is worse off in Namibia in relation to other ethnic communities and there are number of internal and external interrelated and partly conditional issues that affect and maintain their marginalization. Firstly, the relation between ethnicity, indigenousness and minority status to marginalization was examined. First and foremost, it was recognized that ethnic background, political and socio-economiccitizenship as well as inidgenousness influence the marginalization of ethnic communities in Namibia.It was also found out that despite the phenomena and terminology regarding indigenousness and minority status are debated and questioned in the Namibian context, the definitions, identification and categorization of these phenomena are applied to some extent. Moreover, the issue of what constitutes the recognition or non-recognition and what is the impact on ethnic marginalized communities was examined. It became evident, that there are different levels and types of recognition. All Namibians are recognized as citizens, but not necessarily as a community that affects the situation of distinct communities e.g. through specific rights or entitlements. The key issue of recognition in Namibia is the official recognition of a traditional authority as per the Traditional Authorities Act (1995). Traditional authorities have power at local and national levels, and they are important e.g. in terms of land allocation. If ethnic community do not have officially recognized traditional authority, they are even in more marginalized position in the country than other marginalized ethnic communities. Lastly, the general political and socio-economic status is one of the strongest determinants that affect and maintain the marginalization of ethnic communities. The key political and socio-economic interrelated internal and external issues identified are e.g. overall discrimination, lack of self-worth and agency, lack of recognition and inadequate political representation, poverty and lack of basic needs, inadequate access to services and opportunities, and lack of secure access to land and resources.
  • Malan, Paula Marja Elina (2011)
    This thesis studies national and local ownership of Namibia’s education and training sector improvement programme ETSIP. ETSIP is a 15-year programme implemented during 2005-2015 following a sector-wide approach. The aim of the programme is to facilitate the transition of Namibia into a knowledge-based economy. This study aims to provide insight into how ownership of the ETSIP policy process is realised nationally and locally, in particular how regional officials in the Namibian education sector view the ETSIP policy process, how they see their role in it and to which degree to they have been able to influence and control the process. The approach in this study is qualitative and the viewpoint constructionist looking at reality constructed through people’s perceptions, interpretations and actions. The data consists of interviews and informal discussions with regional and national education officials, newspaper articles and ETSIP policy documents. The study highlights that national ownership is a vague term due to many actors and views within a country. It confirms Castel-Branco’s argument that ownership has to be understood in context, in a contested and changing environment. A new strategic plan for the Ministry of Education is being prepared and this might affect ownership to ETSIP. The rhetoric of ownership in ETSIP policy documents follows international commitments of increasing aid effectiveness but the documents lack a comprehensive analysis of how national and local ownership would be realised. The documents reflect a narrow understanding of ownership as commitment to predetermined policy choices. Whitfield’s and Frazer’s distinction of narrow and broad definitions of ownership is found in the interviews. Commitment to ETSIP is regarded essential but insufficient for ownership. Local commitment to ETSIP principles and aims is realised fairly well but if ownership is viewed broadly, as influence and control, then ownership is weak. There has been little influence from regional level in the ETSIP planning process and there is lack of control over the implementation of ETSIP, in particular lack of control over financial resources. Tujan’s notion of democratic ownership highlights the need to change and broaden the ownership agenda to consider the local level. This study suggests that an enabling environment for local ownership would require changes in institutional culture and the strengthening of institutional legitimacy. It would require political leadership, trust, a culture of responsibility and accountability, enhanced information sharing, broad participation, dialogue and collaboration. Most importantly there is a need and demand for local control over decision-making and resources.