Browsing by master's degree program "Magisterprogrammet i Europa- och Nordenstudier"
Now showing items 21-40 of 80
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(2023)This master's thesis conducts a qualitative, single-case thematic research on Finland’s revised security policy from the spring of 2022, when security environment of the whole Europe changed remarkably, as Russia launched its offensive in Ukraine. The data which this thesis examines consists of a government’s report, and a parliamentary debate from the plenary session where the report was presented. In addition to organising the data thematically, this thesis creates and employs a theoretical framework of neorealism, consisting of the works of Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt and Joseph Grieco. In the analysis, this theoretical framework is applied to the developed themes to produce a neorealist reading of Finland’s new security policy and its parliamentary debate. Additionally, this thesis endeavours to explore the extent to which neorealist theoretical literature can be applied to current phenomena, and seeks to fill a gap in previous research, which is the lack of application of realist theory to Finland’s security policy in contemporary times. The analysis produces five main themes, which focus on major change and unpredictability, strong and sovereign Finland with independent interests, Russia as a threat and adversary, international aspects to peace and security, and NATO membership as a security solution. Additionally, contested and disputed role of the European Union as a security provider, memory of war, and broad conceptualisation of security arose as additional findings, outside the main themes. The findings are to a large extent aligned with previous research. The selected neorealist theories interpret and explain the data rather well with a focus on sovereign security and survival interests, alliance-formation as well as cautious and attentive characteristics of a small-state. However, the focus on international law in the data turned out somewhat difficult and ambiguous to interpret with neorealist theory. From a theoretical perspective it is concluded that neorealist literature has potential value in explaining a present-day security policy, but equivocally. Further studies incorporating competing theories, such as those of a liberal nature, are encouraged to further address this dilemma. Moreover, to move from a single-case design to examine multiple case longitudinally or cross-sectionally in a future study, could prove useful here.
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(2020)Belarus migration instrumentalisation attempt created unprecedented crisis at the Easters European borders. With increasing numbers of migrants at the borders, Lithuania found itself facing a possibility of larger scale conflict. Measures have been implemented to stop migrants at the border and prevent new migration route to Europe from forming. Theoretically, the thesis places itself between the fields of migration and international relations. We look into the theory of securitization and investigate the aspects upon which migration is perceived as an issue of security and how it can be framed as one by the governing bodies. On the other hand, we try to understand the elements that enable migration instrumentalisation. To use migration as a tool, host country is needs to be susceptible to such attempts either from societal perspective, such as assigned ethical expectations or through its international obligations. This thesis implements Robert M. Entman’s definition of framing into analysis on how the common frames of migration securitization have been used in Lithuanian political debates during the migration instrumentalisation attempt. A total of 5 frames have been drawn from theory and their presence in the discussions have been identified. These frames have been used to portray the migration as a threat to security to legitimize the implementation of securitizing measures. The analysis supports the existing approach that migration framing is dependent on geographical factors. Being the country to experience first-hand migration influx, Lithuania frames migration as a threat and issue to the border security. Parliamentary discussion framed increase of immigration firstly as an instrument used by Belarus to destabilize situation in Lithuania as well as Europe.
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(2022)This study examines the way in which four key European social partner organisations - ETUC, BusinessEurope, SGI Europe and SMEunited – frame the issue of platform work, shedding light on the differences and similarities between the employer and employee organisations. The context of the study is the European Commission legislative proposal “Directive on Improving Working Conditions in Platform Work”, published in December 2021, following several national court decisions and intense political debate. Recent policy initiatives taken by the Commission have increasingly paired the regulation of digital platforms with the wider social policy aims of the EU and simultaneously granted a central role for the European social partners, whose positions on digitalisation have not been much researched. This thesis aims to contribute to filling this research gap and extend our knowledge on social partners’ positions on platform work, digitalisation and employment. The data consists of 35 policy documents, collected from the websites of the four organisations. Through frame analysis, four key frames on platform work were identified. “Platform work as historical continuation of precarious work” -frame, employed by the employee side, constructs platform work as precarious work, and its digital aspects as inherently exploitative. “Platform work as flexible work” -frame, used by the employer side, constructs platform work as a personal choice of the self-employed workers. “Platform work as not a separate category” -frame, is employed by both employer and employee organizations, employers using it to support their position on the self-employed status of the workers and the employee side opposing it. Last, “platform work as new type of work” -frame presents platform work as inherently innovative line of business ultimately benefitting everyone, if the potential is not hampered with regulation. The social partner organisations bring forward competing understandings on digitalisation and its implications for labour, which supports the conception of platform work regulation as an extremely contested area of political action. The contestation between the organisations highlights the role of framing as a political act. The organisations are not only competing for platform work to be understood in a certain way, but also for the future arenas on which the policy discussions on platform work are held.
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(2024)Finland and Estonia have been displaying contrasting views on dependence on Russian energy. Finland, echoing Germany’s Ostpolitik, regards mutual dependency as key to peace and prosperity. In contrast, Estonia, along with the Baltic states and Poland, views Russia’s gas monopoly as a threat to European security. The aim of this study is to examine the language used in discussions about Russian energy and dependence on Russian energy in the parliamentary debates of Finland and Estonia. Discourse theory is utilized as a methodological tool to examine securitization narratives on Russia and Russian energy. The research covers two distinct time frames: February 1 to December 31 of both 2014 and 2022, representing the immediate aftermath following the Russian annexation of Crimea and the subsequent Russian invasion of Ukraine. The findings reveal differences in the securitization discourses of Russian energy. In 2014, the Finnish parliament actively resisted securitization in a context of already desecuritized energy policy environment, while Estonia engaged in securitization during the same period. By 2022, Estonia continued to emphasize the threat posed by Russian energy, whereas an evident change can be seen in Finland. The long line of Finnish Russia policy, trusted neighborly relations, is told to have come to an end, signaling a shift towards securitization. Both countries prioritize renewable energy as a means to reduce reliance on Russian energy. An essential finding in both of the time periods is that in Estonia the origin of the imported energy is problematized, landing securitization on Finland as Russian energy transit country. Estonian discourses advocate for transparency in cross-border energy trade, a discussion notably absent in Finnish data. Overall, the study underscores the divergent approaches of Finland and Estonia towards Russian energy and security. However, the gap between security perceptions on Russian energy between said countries has converged.
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(2021)In recent years, loneliness has been talked about in the media relatively often. There are multiple studies about harmfulness of loneliness for one's health and safety both nationally and internationally. The aim of this master's thesis is to find out how the loneliness discourse has changed in the Finnish parliamentary discussions and why. The main research questions are: How often has loneliness been brought up between the years 1980 and 2019 in the Finnish governmental documents and which actor groups and themes can be identified in the discussion. In addition, the thesis will look at by whom have the actor groups and themes been brought up. The data of this thesis are governmental documents: governmental proposals, expert opinions and debate initiatives. The used methods are both quantitative and qualitative. In the first part, the data is analyzed using quantitative content analysis, more specifically categorization. By processing the data this way, one gets an answer to the first two research questions: how often has loneliness been brought up and which actor groups and themes can be identified in the discussion. In the second part of the thesis, the findings are analyzed using narrative analysis as a qualitative method. This reveals what kind of narratives are linked to findings and in which context and by whom they have been brought up. In the third part of the thesis, there is a brief review on the wider Finnish (socio)political environment and how it might have affected the results. The most important findings in this thesis are that the loneliness discussion has increased and peaked only in the 2010s. The most often mentioned group is child loneliness. Loneliness as a subjective feeling is relatively new topic in the parliamentary discussions. It started to emerge only in the 2000s and peaked after 2015. In the 2000s, organizations used the prevention of loneliness as an argument to get funding or to justify the importance of their work. This proves that in the 2000s loneliness had become something that is considered harmful. Security is a new viewpoint in the loneliness discussion: in 2010s it has started to emerge in the media as a security problem, partly because of school shootings and radical lone operators. In the 2020, the Finnish Security and Intelligence Service (Supo) mentions that lone operators are among the biggest security threats in Finland. While the demands towards the state has increased, loneliness in the Parliament has always been talked about through something else, or as a "side effect" of another problem.
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(2021)This thesis examines the Europeanisation of public spheres. According to the deliberative democratic theory, political decisions need to be based on public consideration. Similarly to the decision-making processes in the nation states, in order for democracy to function also in the European Union, there is a need for a joint European public sphere where the peoples of Europe can discuss common issues of relevance and thereby contribute to the EU decision-making. Research conducted on the gradual Europeanisation of public spheres examines how politicisation of EU issues on the national levels contributes to cross-border communication, creation of joint communities of communication and a strengthening of collective European identity. Drawing on previous research in this field, this study highlights communication flows and discursive frames in the selected national media outlets and examines to what extent these discussions point to the emergence of a collective European identity strong enough to sustain mutualisation of debt and fiscal transfers, justifying ”solidarity among strangers” within the community. Through analysis of media coverage on the EU Recovery Fund – the political and politicised face of the 2020 coronavirus pandemic response on the EU level – this thesis examines to what extent the public spheres in Germany, France and Finland are Europeanised in these debates and whether it is possible to identify a joint community of communication pointing to a collective European identity. The theoretical framework of this study draws largely on Jürgen Habermas’s public sphere theory and its later developments (and criticisms) as well as on the growing body of literature on the gradual Europeanisation of national public spheres in the EU Member States. Contrary to the early studies on the European public sphere, later research points towards increasing politicisation of EU affairs in the national public spheres and the related strengthening of Europeanisation. No consensus, however, exists yet among researchers on whether these developments will lead to enhanced European identity and further integration or renationalisation and further rise of Euroscepticism. This thesis contributes to that discussion through a case study on the Europeanisation of national public spheres in relation to the discussion on the EU Recovery Fund in 2020.
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(2020)In 2017, the trend of declining birth rates arose as a problem in Finland in comparison to the 1868 Great Famine, as the recent number of live births was decreasing closer to that of the Famine. To correspond to that, family policy was paid attention to as a solution in the Finnish Parliament. The term, child-friendliness, was prevalently used to describe the goal of the family policy reform, which implies that the focus of justification for family policy would move from women-friendliness. It was an intriguing phenomenon to observe given the historical reputation of the Finnish family policy as a women-friendly policy. Motivated by the social phenomenon and following discussions on it, the thesis aims to study different discourses on birth rate and family policy in the Finnish Parliament in 2017 and 2018. The second objective of the thesis is to interpret explicit or implicit gendered implication of the discourses used to problematize birth rates and politicize family policy. To build a contextual foundation, the thesis explores the history of development of the Finnish family policy since the 1970s with reference to the concept of defamilization and refamilization. Also, it elaborates theories and concepts regarding family and family policy and familism in relation to gender. This thesis utilizes feminist critical discourse analysis with the three-dimensional framework of Norman Fairclough on data collected from the database of the Parliament. The data set includes 20 columns from 19 parliamentary minutes recorded in a form of text. The three-dimensional framework enables to examine discourses as text, discursive practice and social practice. The feminist critical discourse analysis helps to discover how gender relations are (re)produced, resisted and transformed in discourses from an overtly gender-sensitive perspective. Based on findings of the thesis, it appears that the justification of gender equality has not been replaced yet by the frame of child-friendliness. Nonetheless, the frame entails normative power to blind the women’s issues related to family policy. With the development of gender sensitivity, the gender issue has become more inclusive, but it is still limited to the hegemonic norms of heterosexuality. Also, the political goal of gender-equal parenthood confronts a threat of backlash that maintains the traditional gender norms in caring and resists gendering the issue of family policy.
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(2022)Integration in the field of defence and security policy was long regarded unlikely by integration theorists, but the European Union’s competences in the policy area have gradually expanded. The recent launch of the European Defence Fund (EDF) illustrates an ambitious supranational policy being put forward under the Commission’s political leadership. This study investigates why Member States decided to accept the proposal for establishing the EDF and transfer sovereign powers to a supranational institution. To understand their decision, I analyze the negotiations and decision-making process from the perspective of three different Member States: Germany, Greece, and Sweden. This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the study of EU defence–industrial integration and follows a limited number of studies in addressing the question of why such integration is welcomed by Member States. Prior research has suggested that economic gains were the primary motive for accepting the EDF’s precursor program ─ the Preparatory Action on Defence Research (PADR) ─ and building on these findings, I explore whether cost-benefit calculations also led Member States to accept the EDF. The explanatory power of another logic of political action will also be considered, namely that of rule following. This perspective allows for analyzing the significance of the institutional context and rules guiding appropriate behavior. In order to build a case study tracing the decision-making process, I gathered data through semi-structured interviews with government officials involved in the process and researchers familiar with national negotiating positions. Additional material used for this study includes Council meeting documents related to the EDF, European Council conclusions, Commission press releases and communications, as well as other official statements on the EDF. The case study shows that all the studied countries entered the negotiations with different expectations and that their motives for accepting the EDF differed. A key finding of this study is that Member States did not collectively accept the EDF proposal because of an expected economic benefit. In comparison with the PADR, which Member States perceived as ‘extra funding’ given that the funding came from both unallocated and reallocated funds in the EU budget, the EDF’s funding was separately negotiated in connection with the MFF for 2021-27. Economic motives did inarguably constitute an important reason for many countries including Greece and Germany, but economic rationality cannot explain why Sweden decided to accept the initiative despite the possibility that it could create a 'gap' in the state budget. Sweden’s vote in favor of the EDF can rather be explained through its adherence to community norms and self-identification as a pro-European country supportive of joint research efforts. These findings are significant because they point to a need to expand our understanding of the reasons for why Member States support integration in the policy area.
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(2024)A few weeks after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia on 24 February 2022, French President Emmanuel Macron warned against ‘the temptation of humiliation’ of Russia in order to negotiate the issue of the Russian-Ukrainian war. This statement sparked a lot of discussions among allied partners, and raises the question of the place of France in the Western support to Ukraine, as well as in the EU and NATO. While France had reclaimed its role as an exemplary ally in the Euro-Atlantic space, Emmanuel Macron’s statements came at an important political and reputational cost. This thesis addresses the origin and relevance of Macron’s humiliation narrative drawing from the literature on the role of emotions and status in international relations, as well as the history of French foreign policy, in particular towards Russia. It analyses the French response to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine by examining three dimensions of policy change: modes of action, institutional commitments, discourses. This thesis demonstrates that, while Macron’s cautious stance about Russia can be explained by the domestic political context in France, his discursive practices contradict the French efforts to support Ukraine, and harm the Eastern allies’ perception of France as a reliable provider of security. This has notably led Macron to toughen his position on Russia in 2023.
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(2022)This master’s thesis examines how foreign-language-speakers’ view the impact of linguistic skills in their prospects in the Finnish labor market. The research also aims to map out the experiences such workers have had of Finnish workplaces and Finnish trade unions. The thesis assesses the prospects foreign-language-speaking workers have for participation in the workplace, trade union and the Finnish labor market. The thesis uses a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. The first round of data was collected via an online survey produced in cooperation with the Service Union United (PAM) during the author’s traineeship with the Union. Based on the survey data two rounds of interviews were conducted and a total of 12 foreign-language-speaking members of PAM interviewed. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. In the analysis, Bridget Anderson’s concepts of the ‘Good Citizen’ and the ‘Migrant’ in contrast to the former are employed. Joseph Gumperz’s concept of the ‘Speech Community’ is utilized in the analysis of what is the role of linguistic skills on a worker’s prospects in the Finnish labor market. Additionally, Pierre Bourdieu’s forms of capital are used as rough measurements of an individual’s ability to make use of one’s social and cultural resources. The findings in this thesis suggest that linguistic skills have an impact on a workers’ prospects in the Finnish labor market. Linguistic competence is suggested to form a barrier between the native-speaking and the foreign-language-speaking workforce in Finland. The results suggest that lack of linguistic skills is perceived to have a negative impact on a workers’ attempt to find work, to participate and to belong to the ‘Speech Community’ of the workplace and the trade union.
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(2024)Africa is one of the main themes in France's foreign policy. Having strong connections to its former colonies in francophone Africa bolsters France’s global standing. However, the 2020s have marked a historic turning point in Franco-Africa relations, as the growing anti-French sentiment in Africa has resulted in the involuntary military withdrawal of French forces from Mali (2022), Burkina Faso (2023) and most recently from Niger in late 2023, having forced the French to rethink their Africa-strategy. The European Union (EU), on the other hand, has been increasingly interested in Africa, as it has remarkable strategic and geopolitical value for Europe. The relationship between the EU and Africa remains asymmetrical and is largely influenced by the legacy of European imperialism. Old colonial powers have always influenced the Union’s foreign policy, and within the Africa-context France has been one of the keenest players. Brexit has provided France with opportunities to take on a greater leadership role within the EU, and President Macron has advocated the need to focus on Africa in terms of the Union’s external relations. My research contributes to the academic discussions about France’s objectives in Africa, and its influence on the EU’s Africa-policy. The research was carried out within the framework of liberal intergovernmentalism and decolonial theory, and it deploys framing analysis to uncover the primary goals of French Africa-policy . The main data consists of speeches made by President Macron 2017 and 2023, as well as the agenda of the French Presidency of the Council of EU in 2022. The analysis revealed four dominant frames that emerged from Emmanuel Macron’s discourse on Africa: new generation, new era; less military engagement; aid reform; and global challenges. All discovered frames are related to the policy domains through which France has traditionally influenced the European Union’s Africa policy. The thesis shows that even though the French Africa-policy in the post-Brexit era is framed around a new focus on partnership and increased cooperation with African countries in sectors, such as education, entrepreneurship, and sustainable development, France maintains a certain continuity with the previous French administrations’ security-oriented posture and continues to use multilateralism selectively to promote its own interests.
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(2020)The European Union’s (EU) approach towards the Arctic has been labeled incoherent and its actorness in regional governance has been deemed limited. The Arctic Ocean is governed in an institutional complex where global and regional processes intertwine. Institutional interplay that occurs between different levels and across sectors contributes to Arctic maritime governance. Influencing these interactions can provide an avenue to governance, even for an actor beyond the region. This research provides empirical evidence on EU’s aims and ambitions regarding the maritime Arctic, while contributing to the theoretical and methodological development of systematic investigations in complex, interactive governance. This study looks at the discourse and practices through which the EU builds its governing actorness. Using a mix of qualitative data from public documents and statements, interviews and observations, the study uses a multi-method, multiperspectival approach to explore the various dimensions relevant to EU’s actorness. Both discourse and content analytical techniques are used to examine the storylines, actors, policy contexts and strategic practices that enable to discuss actorness in terms of interactive governance. The study finds that the EU builds an image for the future of the Arctic marked by uncertainty and connectivity. Increased knowledge, on the one hand, and enhanced interactions between relevant entities, on the other, are considered crucial to approaching such a future. Necessary actions, however, largely depend on the skillful individuals nested within appropriate institutional contexts. EU’s actorness in Arctic maritime governance is characterized by network-building and entrepreneurial individuals. It remains unclear, however, whether network-actorness or policy entrepreneurs effectively influence the governance arrangement. Furthermore, the findings suggest that the EU and the Arctic Council perform similar governance tasks. Therefore, further mixed-method research focusing on the interplay between the EU and the Arctic Council is essential to understand governance developments in the European part of the Arctic Ocean. Examining causal linkages between entrepreneurial network-building and governance outcomes is also considered relevant for future research.
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(2020)Climate change is an important field of policymaking which comprehends almost all policy sectors in Finland. Despite Finland has introduced a wide range of climate-related policies in response to climate change, and partially fulfilled its part in international climate action, emission reductions goals in Finland have not reached the level as demanded by the overwhelming majority of scientists. Finland is not the only country in this aspect, and the international community is in the path of increasing global temperature beyond 2 Celsius degrees The study will examine climate change-related debates in the plenary debates of the Parliament of Finland. Plenary sessions are useful in research for they exhibit diverging views on societal issues in a multi-party platform, which not only reflects societal debate, but also the policy measures which are addressed for combating climate change. Further, Finland is an interesting case study as a developed country which has resources to mitigate climate change, and there is a high rate of trust towards scientific research and science-based policymaking. The concept of politicisation of science and the various use of scientific information guides the research process and analysis of research data. It will be utilised for assessing the various ways how scientific research has been used by the speakers. Further, a background chapter on climate change politics supplement information on the range of measures on mitigating climate change. The results suggest show there has been a broad consensus on climate action and support for emission reduction targets. Discussion concentrated on Finland’s climate change strategy and the role of the energy sector in Finnish climate policy. International reduction targets set in climate change conferences and as defined by research institutes, seem to direct the Finnish position for increasing its policy measures. The moral responsibility to act on climate change was present, yet not frequent. Benefits in climate action were emphasised for instance by facilitating a better market access for Finnish companies, as early adaptors, and by increasing efficiency. Support for evidence-based policymaking was strong. Speakers saw the benefits in scientific evidence and its role in policy preparation. The IPCC and other research institutes were frequently cited. MPs commonly referred to the scientific method in guiding research but also to point out flaws in other speakers’ arguments. Measures, which surfaced in the literature, such as intentional techniques to question the state of climate science, were modest in and few in numbers. The limitations to Finland’s climate actions were not directly discussed by the MPs. Other studies, and literature on the use of scientific information in other political systems, would however suggest that there might have been dishonest measures to promote the use of peat in Finnish energy mix. It is likely that through lobbying, this position was increased in the Parliament.
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(2020)Blame avoidance research mainly assumes that it is in the interest of people in positions of power to minimize the amount of blame directed at them. But the perspective can be different when it comes to populist leaders. A discourse theoretical analysis focusing on Janez Janša, former Prime Minister of Slovenia, shows how populist rhetoric and conspiracy theories can be used as blame avoidance strategies. The data consists of interviews with Janša, published by the Slovenian government, as well Janša’s participance in the European Parliament during a discussion on media freedom and the rule of law. According to Ernesto Laclau (2005), articulating an antagonistic frontier is an important part of the populist logic. The antagonistic frontier is a central aspect of the rhetoric of Janez Janša, who depicts himself as a victim of a socialist elite controlling large parts of society. Janša’s claims can be understood as a conspiracy theory, fulfilling the criteria by Jovan Byford (2011). This conspiracy theory can also be understood through the framework of populist logic and the antagonistic frontier. This framework of populism can be applied to understand the underlying patterns of the blame avoidance strategies used by Janez Janša, as well as the possible effects on accountability. Blame can play a part in articulating the antagonistic frontier and Janša does not always attempt to minimize blame, but on the contrary sometimes acts in a way that is certain to attract blame. When looking at this through the perspective of populist logic, there is a central difference between two types of blame. It is in the interest of a populist leader to avoid criticism from their own side of the antagonistic frontier in order to keep the chain of equivalence intact. On the other hand, blame from the other side might strengthen the antagonistic frontier and even be beneficial for the populist leader.
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(2024)Both immigration and gender equality are crucial topics in contemporary Swedish socio-political discourse and reflect the nation's commitment to progressive values. However, as this thesis argues, the intersection of these two domains and their impact on marginalized communities, particularly women of different racial/ethnic backgrounds, requires deeper investigation. This thesis examines the landscape of Swedish gender equality strategies with a focus on addressing racial/ethnic disparities within the realm of gender equality. It uses Carol Bacchi's six-question approach and draws theoretical framework from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Norman Fairclough's and post-structuralist discourse theories. The study analyses documents such as the “Handbook: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy” and the “Implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Sweden: Statistical Review 2019, 2020, 2021” documents. Through a systematic exploration of language use, problem representations and discursive strategies, the research uncovers both commendable efforts and inherent limitations within Swedish gender equality policies. The analysis reveals that although Swedish gender equality strategies demonstrate a commitment to inclusivity, they often fail to fully incorporate the diverse experiences of women from various ethnic and racial backgrounds. While recognizing intersecting discriminations, the Swedish feminist foreign policy tends to adopt a Western-centric perspective and overlook crucial cultural nuances. Similarly, the statistical reviews highlight challenges faced by immigrant women but perpetuate overly simplistic narratives that attribute these problems to immigrant communities alone, thereby ignoring foreign women's agency and resilience in their cultural identities. The research also identifies a "we-for-them" narrative that is embedded within Swedish societal dynamics and is subtly reinforced through language and representations used within policy discourse. This narrative frames the Swedish institutions and values as inherently superior and, as a result, reinforces existing power dynamics and undermines genuine efforts toward inclusivity and equality. The thesis discovers that while Swedish gender equality strategies hold promise, their effectiveness depends on a nuanced understanding of the context and a commitment to inclusivity. The portrayal of vulnerability attributed solely to cultural norms oversimplifies complex realities and risks the perpetuation of harmful stereotypes. Moving beyond simplistic narratives and embracing more comprehensive and inclusive approaches seem to be essential for realizing genuine empowerment and social change for all women in Sweden.
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(2024)The EU has been in the recent decades one of the most important innovators globally. However, due to the recent events in its external environment, such as supply chain disruptions caused by COVID-19, third-country dependencies and external geopolitical pressures, its position in global innovation is challenged. These developments are often discussed under the headline “strategic autonomy”, which refers to the EU’s capacity to act autonomously in key strategic policy areas. As capacity to innovate is what crucially undergirds the EU’s economic power, the EU’s innovation policy plays a fundamental role in achieving strategic autonomy. Yet, peer reviewed study of the implications of strategic autonomy for EU innovation policy has remained thus far uncharted. This thesis asks: how the discourse on strategic autonomy frames EU innovation policy? To answer the research question, this thesis deployed a framing analysis in parallel with qualitative content analysis. This approach was applied to policy documents published by the European Commission in the period of 2019-2023. This thesis aimed to investigate the extent to which strategic autonomy has influenced EU innovation policy. Secondly, the thesis explored how the concept(s) inform policymakers about the identified problem and examines the policy justifications that arise from this assessment. The qualitative content analysis found that the discourse on strategic autonomy has become increasingly relevant for the EU innovation policy, showcasing high levels of frequency in the use of the concept in the policy area. Moreover, a closer look at the use of the concept revealed that not only is the concept invoked frequently, but has only become highly influential for the shaping of the policy. In addition, an overarching framing could be identified that perceives the environment external to the EU being increasingly hostile and competitive, complicated by antagonisms towards the rules-based world order. From this assessment arises novel policy justifications for international cooperation in R&I. Also, EU innovation policy is increasingly interested in securing autonomous capacity to innovate and have access and control of critical technologies. In terms of international cooperation, a balancing act between openness and assertiveness could be observed. The analysis also had implications for internal developments as the EU is showing a much more active role in directing funding to critical sectors to enhance its industrial capacity and competitiveness.
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(2020)Social media was initially viewed as a democratising force that allowed anyone to participate in political discourse, however in recent years there has been a significant increase in the number of state-sponsored cyber troops using these technologies to spread disinformation and computational propaganda with the intent to influence the behaviour and opinions of individuals, sow chaos and confusion and undermine social cohesion. In recent years, Russia has emerged as the global leader in developing and deploying these tactics against foreign nations, conducting operations on an industrial scale through what are colloquially termed ‘troll factories,’ the most famous of which is the Internet Research Agency (IRA). This study examines images produced by Twitter accounts attributed to the IRA and the corresponding account-level metadata, in order to understand how cyber troops are using Twitter to propagate memetic content and in what ways tactics differ based upon Russian strategic culture. This study also looks at how a nation’s perceived geopolitical position can be interpreted through analysing the output of state-sponsored digital actors. Key to the success of these tactics is the dissemination of weaponised information that spreads ‘virally’ from person to person. For this reason, memetics is employed as a theoretical framework. Strategic culture is also used as an analytical tool to interpret the objectives behind Russian cyber troop activity. The research design of this study comprises three phases. First, images that occur in the dataset 5 or more times are computationally clustered, producing 1,346 clusters of visually similar images, representing 11,742 images in total. Qualitative Content Analysis is then used to create a coding framework which categorises the content of each cluster, capturing three primary dimensions: mode of delivery, type of message and country of focus. Finally, account-level metadata is analysed to determine key account characteristics, providing insight into five factors: location, account lifespan (age), language, activity and originality. Each of these factors is then cross tabulated with five regions: Russia, Post-Soviet, Europe, USA and Rest of World. The findings of this study indicate that IRA actors have pursued a multidirectional strategy based upon Russian strategic culture, in which highly political information is distributed to target audiences primarily in Russia, USA, Europe and Ukraine. The type of information spread is predominantly photographic in nature. Images of public figures and other types of political imagery frequently occur in the dataset, as do images that reinforce an insider/outsider dichotomy. Neutral images are also strategically utilised to construct Twitter accounts that appear authentic, thereby maximising the propagation rate of targeted information. When looking at references made to countries, Russia and the USA emerge as the primary centres of focus. However, when geo-visually plotted on a map, the data indicates that, as the space between these two powers, the European region is commensurate in strategic significance. Ukraine is also prioritised as a fulcrum between the Russian and Western spheres of influence, highlighting divergence in interpretations of how to define Europe and its boundaries. These findings suggest that as Russia vies for digital sociopolitical influence in the West, Europe emerges as a key strategic space between the evolving perception of ‘us’ and ‘them’.
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(2020)This thesis aims to examine and contextualize the histories, meanings, and the messages behind a number of the most significant classical structures in Helsinki, looking in particular at who erected these buildings and why they did so, along with what the planners and architects were trying to emphasize through their architectural design choices. The legacies of these builders and their buildings are also to be analysed. Specifically, this thesis does not aim to answer why Finland has classical architecture, but rather what it means for this young nation to have it, especially so in such significant abundance and considering that a great many of the nation’s most important buildings have been designed in this particular style.
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(2023)Since the rise of the Law and Justice (PiS) party to power in 2015 the PiS government's reforms have led to a deterioration of the rule of law, which has caused growing tensions in Polish-EU relations. Poland has come under scrutiny for its policies undermining the rule of law principle and is perceived to threaten European integration by challenging the EU’s values. PiS’ time in office coincides with the trend of the success of right-wing populist parties in the CEE which has generated increased academic interest in the region. Despite growing interest towards Poland and the topic of shared values in the EU, studies on the perception of the EU in Polish internal debates have received less attention. A recent escalation in the rule of law crisis was seen in the Autumn of 2021, when the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled against the primacy of European Union law vis-à-vis the Polish Constitution. The Constitutional Tribunal’s ruling caused public uproar, sparking protests in Poland’s largest cities, and public debate ensued about the potential of Polexit. In analysing the Polexit debate by means of discourse analysis, the thesis examines what meanings the EU and Europe receive in opposition and government rhetoric. The thesis further explores how different meanings surrounding the EU and Europe are used in the construction of political identification of government and opposition sides. The theoretical frame of the thesis is based on social constructivism, post-foundationalism and Laclau’s theory of populism. By focusing on the Polexit debate, the thesis analyses the construction of meanings against an individual event which nevertheless caused debate that directly concerns the relations of Poland and Europe. In the analysis, the thesis finds that the opposition and government sides relate to the notions of Europe and the EU in contrasting ways, which enable them to build identification based on different conceptions of Polishness. Main findings of the analysis point to contrasting logics in government and opposition rhetoric which reflect the sides’ contrasting perceptions of nationhood; whereas the EU is constructed as a threat and an “other” in government rhetoric, the opposition aims to link Poland to the EU and Europe in constructing the opposition’s “us”.
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(2023)The Finnish population is quickly aging. The aging of the population is reflected in the Finnish economy and in the availability of skilled workers in several fields. The governmental focus has consequently in recent years concentrated on increasing the immigration of the highly skilled in the country. The growing fields such as the technology industries in which the need of highly skilled immigrants is emphasized in the governmental aims are still statistically dominated by men. As such, female immigrants are still often discussed in the context of female dominated industries such as the care work industries. This thesis consequently aims to emphasize the position of highly skilled immigrant women in the traditionally male-dominated industry of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in Finland. Intersectionality as coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in the 1980s focuses on the advantages and disadvantages in the lived experiences of different identity groups. Originating from considerations of challenges faced by African American women in the United States, intersectionality has since then expanded to depict the challenges on various groups. The theory will be consequently utilized in this thesis to depict the experiences of highly skilled immigrant women in the field of STEM in Finland, with immigrant women being seen as an often-marginalized group. Qualitative interviewing acts as the selected methodology of the thesis with five individuals working in the field of STEM being interviewed for the thesis. The interviewees were selected to represent different backgrounds, with the aim being portraying the possibilities and challenges faced by the interviewed individuals comprehensively in a manner of a case study. The data collected through the interviews is assessed through four analytical categories of education, bureaucracy, language skills and social networks. With each category being taken into the analysis separately, the individual impact of each in the labor market position as well as the societal position and the perception of these by the interviewees is being considered. Despite the international nature of the field of STEM, the analysis reveals there to still exist factors favoring native Finns in the labor markets. Furthermore, similar challenges are faced by people coming from within the EU and outside of the EU with for instance non-Finnish education and work experience impacting interviewees coming from both backgrounds. The differing experiences of the interviewees illustrate that the idea and reality of the (dis)advantages that are essential to intersectional thinking are not implicitly tied to persons who are viewed to belong to the groups seen often be the most burdened. The results of the analysis consequently demonstrate the non-universal character of migrating for certain purpose and oppose the traditional image of intersectional concerns associated with certain groups. Nevertheless, to reach a more comprehensive idea of the position of immigrant women in the Finnish field of STEM research with more extensive sample of data is needed. With the number of the highly skilled likely growing in the near future, understanding the position of highly skilled female migrants within such group will also become more emphasized both academically and societally.
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