Browsing by master's degree program "Globaalin politiikan ja viestinnän maisteriohjelma"
Now showing items 61-68 of 68
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(2023)Using an explanatory case study of the European Central Bank (ECB), this thesis studies the role quantitative easing has played in increasing central banks’ power following the Global Financial Crisis. Increases in central banks’ responsibilities and the reach of their operations have taken place at the outset of quantitative easing. Yet, despite having been a central monetary policy tool in contemporary central banking, no previous research exists on this development. To take into consideration the structurally powerful position central banks have in the modern world; the various transmission mechanisms and thus the reach of quantitative easing; as well as the role the global financial system plays in central banking, the thesis utilizes the theory of four sources of structural power together with global network structures. Through explanation building, the thesis builds a case of the ECB that reveals the power quantitative easing has unleashed via the unprecedented expansion of the ECB balance sheet and, ultimately, the control over the availability of money. Quantitative easing has also provided the ECB with new capabilities—direct control over market pricing—and responsibilities—possibly the most important of all, its new role as the sovereign bond buyer of last resort as the protector of the Eurosystem. While quantitative easing has challenged the traditional understanding of monetary policy, the justification for central bank independence, and the belief system behind the ECB, the ECB has managed to maintain its independence and position as the moral authority and expert on monetary policy. The thesis concludes that while quantitative easing may have increased the ECB’s structural power, it has not necessarily translated into positive effects for the central bank. Quantitative easing has disincentivized structural reforms in the indebted member states, which have benefitted from the ECB buying their low-demand government bonds; and increased distributional effects favoring the top wealth and income distribution, which have both ultimately led to claims of the ECB operating outside the bounds of monetary policy.
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(2024)Finland’s national obsession with seeing itself on the world stage is nothing new to anyone familiar with the Nordic country. Finns love seeing the country mentioned in international media so much so that it elicits two slightly tongue-in-cheek phrases in Finnish, torille tavataan and Suomi mainittu. For Finland’s size, it seems to be mentioned quite frequently on social media as well. But does Finland actually have disproportionate soft power and nation branding given its population? This thesis takes a look at traditional ways of studying soft power, public diplomacy and nation branding and how they have adapted to the digital era. It also explains some of the potential gaps in measuring a country’s nation brand, especially in regards to YouTube. Using the sum of YouTube views from the first five pages of search results as a vector for quantitative research, this thesis also offers an example of a small study of nine other geographically diverse case countries all with similarly sized populations to Finland — New Zealand, Denmark, Norway, the Central African Republic, Slovakia, El Salvador, Paraguay, Ireland, and Singapore. YouTube videos can be further grouped into various of the sight’s own categories, showing which countries out perform others, offering more specific insight into nation branding successes and failures. Comparing these 10 countries, all in the same population weight class, can help determine whether Finland’s online presence is actually outsized or that’s a myth supported by confirmation bias.
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(2024)The European Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex, plays a central role within the institutional framework of the European Union’s (EU) migration management. The agency has faced enduring criticism since its establishment in 2004. Criticism has particularly focused on the role of Frontex in the securitisation of migration in the EU, meaning the construction of migration and migrants as security threats. While Frontex has been researched extensively, its organisational communication practices have received less attention. This thesis poses two questions regarding the themes in Frontex’s organisational communication and the extent of securitised constructions of migration in the agency’s recent news releases. First, how do the themes of Frontex news releases reflect the agency’s organisational identity and strategic use of communication? Second, to what extent do the themes in Frontex’s organisational communication contribute to a securitised conceptualisation of migration? Theories of strategic communication and migration governance provide the broad context for examining the agency’s communication practices, organisational identity, and role within EU migration governance. Building on previous debates and literature on securitisation theories, this thesis applies a practice-oriented approach to analyse Frontex news releases. Quantitative and qualitative content analysis are applied to examine themes present in Frontex news releases to fill a methodological gap. As past literature has established Frontex as furthering the securitisation of migration, this research examines whether this applies to the agency’s strategic communication practices. The findings indicate that Frontex aims to present itself as an organisation focusing mainly on cooperation and fighting crime. Other frequent themes in news releases relate to staff and training, organisational activities, and border updates. Further qualitative content analysis suggests that Frontex strategically uses securitised constructions of migration management to legitimise organisational existence and expansion. Security, then, is conceptualised as something broad that requires constant enhancement in the EU. Promoting securitised themes entails facilitating an image of border-crossing and migrants as suspect which aims to necessitate constant preparedness. The broad conceptualisation of security and constant need for enhancement indicate a growing definition of security which exemplifies the spiralling of securitisation as the expansion of security issues and topics. Moreover, strategies of prevention and deterrence are evident through analyses of Frontex news releases whereas fundamental rights are downplayed.
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(2022)This thesis explores the voluntary carbon market (VCM). The central research question for this work is: Should there be limits to the voluntary carbon market? as a marketplace for carbon emission offsets. Offsetting means investing money into a carbon-removal project and quantifying the monetary contribution in terms of the volume of carbon removed. The research topic links to a central contradiction in the mitigation of climate change: the capitalist economic system has been recognised as a root cause for climate change, yet the tools for mitigation do not challenge its structures. The theoretical framework for this thesis is heterodox political economy. It is a critique of orthodox political economy, which, in turn, stems from the tradition of neoclassical economics. The theoretical framework has implications for the methodological choices in this thesis. Heterodox political economy aims to distance itself from orthodox methods of economic research. The economy and society are ever-changing non-closed systems and analysing them accurately through quantitative methods and drawing generalisable conclusions is challenging. For the purposes of this work, a selection of heterodox thinkers in political economy is chosen, and their arguments on limits to the market are reviewed. Examples include the doughnut economics model by Kate Raworth. Additionally, the thesis introduces critiques by heterodox thinkers on commodification of nature and its effects to the relationship of humans and non-human nature. The results of the work highlight the differences between the heterodox and orthodox views of the appropriate limits to the market. The central norms of orthodox political economy, such as methodological individualism, the free market and the assumed value neutrality of the economic space shape the mainstream ideas about the limits to the VCM. Contrastingly, heterodox political economy offers alternative ways of understanding the possibilities for the construction of the economy and highlights the importance of recognising the purpose of the economy. The thesis concludes that seen from the heterodox perspective of political economy, market orthodoxy should be challenged and thus there should be limits set to the VCM to start shifting responsibility for climate mitigation from the individual to the structural level. These limits may take the form of stronger regulation from the part of the state or international authorities. However, at present, the strong embeddedness of the orthodox economic norms in the market leads to a situation, where imaging alternative economic solutions is challenging, and thus structural change remains difficult. Therefore, it is important to recognise and challenge these hegemonic norms trough research and practice in heterodox political economy.
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(2023)Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Suomen työmarkkinoiden kehitystä Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) -näkökulman valossa. Suomen työmarkkinoiden historiallisen kehityksen osalta tarkastelu tehdään laadullisen sisällönanalyysin keinoin. VoC-näkökulman mukaan kapitalistiset markkinataloudet voidaan jakaa kahteen eri kategoriaan sen perusteella, kuinka yhtiöt tekevät yhteistyötä muiden markkinatoimijoiden kanssa. Nämä kategoriat ovat koordinoinut markkinataloudet (englanniksi: coordinated market economies) ja liberaalit markkinataloudet (englanniksi: liberal market economies). Suomen on tyypillisesti katsottu olevan koordinoitu markkinatalous. Työmarkkinoiden osalta tämä on johtunut esimerkiksi siitä, että Suomessa on ollut keskitetyt työehtosopimusneuvottelut ja korkea palkansaajien järjestäytyneisyys. Suomen työmarkkinoiden kehitystä tarkastellaan 1960-luvulta tähän päivään saakka. Tutkimuksen perusteella Suomen työmarkkinat ovat muuttuneet markkinaliberaalimpaan suuntaan erityisesti 2000-luvulta alkaen. Tällöin Suomessa luovuttiin tulopoliittisista kokonaisratkaisuista ja kolmikantaisista työehtosopimusneuvotteluista. Lisäksi palkansaajien järjestäytymisaste on laskenut Suomessa viimeisten vuosikymmenten aikana. Tutkielmassa tuodaan näin ollen esiin käytännön esimerkki institutionaalisesta muutoksesta, jossa yritykset ovat ajaneet käytäntöjä ja muutoksia, jotka VoC-näkökulman mukaan sopisivat enemminkin liberaaleille markkinatalouksille kuin koordinoiduille markkinatalouksille.
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(2021)This thesis evaluates the utility of Stephen Gill’s concept of new constitutionalism in understanding the functioning of the European Economic and Monetary union (EMU) in 2015– 2020. New constitutionalism is defined as legally locked in rules-based market discipline. The thesis has two research questions: 1) To what extent does the concept of new constitutionalism aptly describe the economic policy space of EMU member states? That is, to what extent the EMU, with its associated rules and criteria, constrains the economic policies of its member states? 2) To what extent are new constitutionalist principles “locked in” in the EMU? That is, to what extent is new constitutionalism really constitutional in the EMU? Chapter 1 outlines Gill’s contributions on new constitutionalism in the EMU, defines the key terms and introduces the research problematic. Chapter 2 evaluates the effects of EMU membership on economic policy space. This chapter draws extensively on data on fiscal deficits and levels of public debt well as the fiscal stimulus packages implemented in the context of the corona pandemic in EMU states and other advanced economies. It is shown that although average levels of debt have been lower in EMU states than in advanced economies overall, none of the major member states have remained within the required limits for public debt in this period. This renders the applicability of the concept of new constitutionalism dubious. Similarly, although EMU states stimulated their economies less than other advanced economies in response to the corona pandemic, this was not due to pressure from EU institutions as Gill’s argument would suggest. Chapter 3 addresses the political contingency in the application of rules-based market discipline in the EMU. Most notably, beyond the extreme case of Greece in 2015, there has been a reluctance by the European Commission to discipline member states for breaking the fiscal rules. The last two sections of this chapter consider the extent to which the actions of the European Central Bank have undermined market discipline in the EMU, and the pertinent question of whether the corona pandemic has ushered in a fundamental change in economic thinking in the EU. Drawing on this analysis, it is argued that the concept of new constitutionalism most aptly described the situation faced by Greece in 2015, but its applicability has subsequently waned. Specifically, the concept of new constitutionalism fails to capture the political contingency and flexibility in the application of both fiscal rules and market discipline in the EMU. Chapter 4 is dedicated to the second research question – that is, to what extent new constitutionalist principles are constitutionalised in the EMU. This chapter analyses the practical possibilities for EMU reform. However, given the unanimity requirement between member states for fundamental reform of the EMU, it is here that Gill’s argument about new constitutionalism being “locked in” is found to have the most applicability. The overall argument of this thesis is that the original Maastricht vision of the EMU has not come to fruition. In fact, the EMU experience illustrates that attempts to impose fixed visions of order onto social systems tend to produce disorder. While the eurozone crisis itself was generated by unbalancing tendencies inherent in the EMU, it has subsequently survived only through circumvention of its rules.
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(2022)This thesis looks at gender in ethno-national conflict resolution through the case study of the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement is the peace agreement that ended the Troubles, which was a conflict between unionists and nationalists in Northern Ireland (1968-1998). The purpose of the study is to critically analyse women’s representation in a case that is considered a success story due to its unprecedented involvement of women. Despite the fact that women played key roles and had significant impact in the peace agreement, women faced discrimination and their involvement did not lead to a more gender equal post-conflict society, which is seen as one of the key benefits of women’s inclusion. This thesis analyses women’s representation in the peace process and peace agreement through two research questions: How was the Northern Ireland peace process gendered? and What were the barriers to women’s meaningful representation in the Good Friday Agreement? Feminist conflict and security analysis provides the main theoretical context for this study. Additionally, I utilise intersectionality, women’s political representation, theorising of gender in ethno-national collectives, and power-sharing as my theoretical basis. The analysis found that the peace process was gendered for instance, due to the portrayal of women throughout the conflict. Women paramilitary fighters as well as women negotiators were portrayed and treated differently than men. Women fighters were sensationalised and their actions were used to symbolise the whole of the ethno-national group. The women peace negotiators on the other hand were verbally abused and belittled. Furthermore, the clauses in the Good Friday Agreement that guaranteed women’s equal political participation and right to public life were not secured with any implementation mechanisms. Regarding the second research question, the analysis found that women’s representation was hindered with ideological factors. Women and women’s issues are seen to belong in the domestic sphere which is why issues of interest to women are not addressed in formal politics. This view of women also affected how women in the peace negotiators were received. Women were not seen to belong in this decision-making position, which lead to the eradication of the clauses driven by women and the clauses which affected women.
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(2021)Ortodoksisten talousteorioiden mukaan kaupankäynti on luonnollinen prosessi, joka ikään kuin tapahtuu itsestään. Naiset ja heidän kokemuksensa sivutetaan usein tämän talousnäkemyksen seurauksena. Maailman Kauppajärjestöä (WTO) on esimerkiksi kritisoitu sen heikoista, sukupuolten tasa-arvoa edistävistä toimista. Yksi WTO:n sukupuolten tasa-arvoa edistävä toimi on ”Buenos Airesin julistus”, jonka tavoite on edistää naisten osallistumista maailmankauppaan. Vuonna 2017 yli sata WTO:n jäsenmaata allekirjoitti kyseisen julistuksen. Tässä tutkielmassa tarkastellaan tätä WTO:n ensimmäistä mittavaa pyrkimystä edistää naisten taloudellisia oikeuksia. Tutkielmassa vastataan tarkemmin siihen, miten Buenos Airesin julistukseen päädyttiin. Tutkielmassa tutkitaan myös, kuinka sukupuolikysymykset ja naisten oikeudet ovat muuttuneet ja muovautuneet globaalissa hallinnassa ja perehdytään erityisesti toista maailman sotaa edeltäviin vuosikymmeniin. Kun tarkastellaan sukupuolen ja vapaakaupan suhdetta, voidaan paremmin ymmärtää, miten ajan saatossa tapahtuneet muutokset ovat vaikuttaneet Buenos Airesin julistuksen syntyyn. Lisäksi tutkielmassa tarkastellaan WTO:n roolia sukupuolten tasa-arvon edistäjänä. Feminististä poliittista taloutta sekä postkolonialistisia talousaatteita hyödynnetään tutkielman teoreettisena viitekehyksenä. Vapaata kauppaa analysoidaan reformistisesta näkökulmasta. Feministisessä talousteoriassa painotetaan usein, että kauppa ei ole ainoastaan luonnollinen prosessi. Kauppa määritetään sosiaalisena konstruktiona, johon lukuisat tekijät vaikuttavat. Tutkielman analyysin perustana toimii Peggy Antrobusin teoria sukupuolten ulottuvuuksista globaalissa hallinnassa. Ajatus sukupuolten epätasa-arvosta on muuttunut, mikä käy ilmi tutkielman analyysistä. Sen lisäksi analyysissa osoitetaan, että sukupuolten tasa-arvoa koskevat kysymykset ovat lisääntyneet kansainvälisesti. Buenos Airesin julistuksen taustalla on monia vaiheita, joita globaalin hallinnan erilaiset trendit myös vahvistavat. Nykyisen hegemonian mukaan vapaakauppa hyödyttää kaikkia ihmisiä tasapuolisesti. Kriittinen tutkimus on kuitenkin osoittanut tarpeen edistää sukupuolten välistä tasa-arvoa. Näin ollen tutkielman analyysissa tarkastellaan myös WTO:n roolia sukupuolten tasa-arvon edistämisessä. Sen sijaan että WTO yrittäisi löytää ja purkaa sukupuolten epätasa-arvoon vaikuttavia juurisyitä, analyysissä selviää, että WTO pyrkii ensisijaisesti tukemaan naisten taloudellista voimaantumista ja yrittäjyyttä. Tutkielman johtopäätöksenä voidaan todeta, että globaalissa hallinnassa tapahtuvilla muutoksilla ja kansainvälisillä organisaatioilla on merkittävä vaikutus sukupuolten tasa-arvoon. Tutkielman johtopäätöksissä pohditaan myös sitä, miten sukupuolikysymykset on otettu huomioon historian saatossa. Johtopäätöksissä korostetaan lopulta luotettavan datan, valvonnan ja evaluoinnin keskeistä merkitystä vapaan kaupan sukupuolittuneiden vaikutusten tutkimuksessa.
Now showing items 61-68 of 68