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Good understanding of animal emotions is vital for improvement of animal welfare. Emotions are affective states that are defined by positive or negative valence depending on the pleasantness of the situation, as well as the state of arousal or excitement. As subjective experiences, emotions are hard to measure directly. Lateralization, a phenomenon in which emotion processing is done asymmetrically in different hemispheres of the brain, has been used to study changes in valence. The state of arousal is known to cause changes in the activation of the autonomic nervous system, which lead to changes in peripheral blood circulation. These neurologically mediated changes in blood flow can lead to changes in surface temperature that can be detected by infrared thermography (IRT). IRT is a technology that’s based on converting infrared radiation to images. From these images, the surface temperature of an animal can be quantitatively measured. Previous studies have focused mostly on negative emotions, which are known to affect surface temperatures. Positive and neutral affective states are in need of more research, as they have been studied less. Lateralization is also still a fairly new area of research. In this thesis I investigated if there would be detectable surface temperature patterns in riding horses at Cypis-talli, Espoo, that could be linked with mainly positive and neutral emotional states. I also explored the possibility of finding lateralization effects related to emotional states in horses. Additionally, I wanted to know if these changes in surface temperature would be situational or dependent on individual variation. We used naturally occurring situations in the horses’ lives to observe them in three situations: one where the horses got fed, one where they were taken outside to the paddocks after feeding, and one where the horses were momentarily separated from their paddocking buddies. During all situations the horses’ eyes and nasal region were measured with a thermal camera. Numerical data was collected from the images and analysed with linear mixed models and post-hoc pairwise comparisons. I found that there were significant changes in surface temperature in the eyes and nasal region of the horse that were likely related to changes in arousal. The surface temperature of the eyes and nasal region dropped when the horses got their feed, got taken outside to the paddocks and when they were separated and reunited with another familiar horse. Another finding was that there appeared to be a lateralization effect in the eyes and nasal region on the nasal cavities. There seemed to be a lot of individual variation in temperature throughout. An interesting finding was that the health condition of the horse significantly affected the temperature changes in many cases. My results suggest that surface temperature effects that have been previously seen in other species via IRT can also be detected in horses, and that the changes in temperature are most likely related to the emotional state and health status of the animal. Nasal temperature could be useful for measurement in future studies, but further research to validate its use in detection of emotional or health related states is required.

Työni tutkii Googlen hakukonelistauksesta poistamisen oikeudellista pohjaa yksittäisen yrityksen näkökulmasta Suomen oikeudenkäytön piirissä. Näkökulma on kilpailuoikeudellinen siten, että tutkimukseni rajautuu kilpailuoikeudellisen määräävän markkina-aseman tutkimiseen ja sen selvittämiseen onko käsillä edellytykset kilpailulain velvollisuudelle toimittaa hyödyke tai palvelu. Tarkastelun kohteena on puhdas B2B-suhde Googlen ja sivustonomistajayrityksen välillä suomenkielisessä kontekstissa. SEUT 102 tulee sovellettavaksi tietyin edellytyksin kun määräävän markkina-aseman omaava toimija väärinkäyttää määräävää markkina-asemaansa. Euroopan unionin komissio on vuodesta 2010 pitäen tutkinut Google Inc.:in toimia ETA-alueella ja tullut johtopäätökseen, että Googlella mitä ilmeisemmin on määräävä markkina-asema. Helmikuussa 2014 Google on antanut komissiolle uudistetun ehdotuksensa, jonka nojalla komissio tutkii voiko siitä tehdä laillisesti sitovan sopimuksen ja siten lopettaa komission SEUT 102 -tutkimukset. Googlen toiminta tutkimassani tapauksessa pohjaa Googlen sisäisille ja suurelta osin julkistamattomille säännöille ja siksi on epäselvää miten tilannetta kilpailuoikeudellisesti tulisi tulkita. Toisaalta Google todistettavasti sulkee yrityssivuja pois hakukonetuloslistauksistaan (SERP), mutta toisaalta Googlella on painavia syitä tehdä niin. Lainsäädäntö tutkimuksen kattamalla alalla on puutteellista ja silti liiketoiminta on miljardiluokan toimiala. Kasvu toimialalla ei tule pysähtymään ja siksi lainsäätäjän tulisi korjata tilanne pikaisesti. Korjaustoimenpiteitä on paljon esitetty oikeuskirjallisuudessa. Osa niistä on tarkoitus toteuttaa Googlen ja komission sopimuksella mikäli se realisoituu, mutta paljon korjattavaa jää senkin jälkeen.

Tämä tutkimus selvittää Googlen roolia maatalousyrittäjän ostopäätösprosessissa. Lisäksi tutkimus keskittyy siihen, miten maatalousyrittäjä suhtautuu Googlen esittämään hakusanamainontaan. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen tausta rakentuu aikaisempaan tutkimukseen organisaatiomarkkinoista, hakukonemarkkinoinnista ja maatalousyrittäjän ostokäyttäytymismallista. Teorian tavoitteena oli muodostaa käsitys siitä, mitä aikaisempi tutkimus kertoo tutkimusongelmaan liittyvistä asiakokonaisuuksista. Tutkimuksessa Google nähdään hakukoneena. Tutkimus toteutettiin haastattelemalla seitsemää maatalousyrittäjää vuonna 2018. Tutkimus on luonteeltaan kvalitatiivinen tutkimus. Aineistonkeruumenetelminä käytettiin puolistrukturoitua haastattelua ja havainnointia. Aineiston analyysi tapahtui sisällönanalyysin keinoin. Ostopäätösprosessia tutkittiin teorialähtöisesti. Tässä vaiheessa hyödynnettiin Websterin ja Windin (1972) luomaa kuvausta ostopäätösprosessin kulusta. Hakusanamainontaan liittyvät asiat analysoitiin aineistolähtöisesti. Analyysiä tuettiin muilla lähteillä ja aineistosta nostetuilla suorilla lainauksilla. Tarpeita nähtiin syntyvän Googlen välityksellä heikosti, mutta se koettiin mahdolliseksi. Tarpeita syntyi erityisesti hakusanamainonnan kautta. Eri ratkaisujen laatiminen Googlen avulla liitettiin taustainformaation saamiseen ja kansainvälistymiseen. Googlella nähtiin olevan eniten hyötyä tilanteissa, joissa ei ole kiire. Googlen käytön koettiin vaativan omaa ymmärrystä haetusta asiasta. Vaihtoehtojen haussa korostui tunnettavuus. Tämä aiheutti ankkuroitumisen tuttuun vaihtoehtoon. Vaihtoehtojen haku keskittyi usein nimen, sijainnin ja internetosoitteen löytymiseen. Kuvahaun merkitys korostui vaihtoehtojen nimien selvittämisessä. Vaihtoehtojen arviointi Googlessa perustui aineellisiin ja aineettomiin ominaisuuksiin. Arvioinnissa keskityttiin erityisesti hintaan, sijaintiin, luotettavuuteen ja tunnettavuuteen. Uuden toimittajan valinta Googlen välityksellä nähtiin mahdollisena, mutta vaikeana. Maatalousyrittäjät pyrkivät käyttäytymismalliin, missä Googlen mainoksia ei hyödynnetä osana hakua. Googlen hakusanamainontaan suhtauduttiin negatiivisesti maatalousyrittäjien keskuudessa. Maatalousyrittäjät käyttivät kuitenkin paljon Googlen hakusanamainonnan hakutuloksia. Googlen hakusanamainonnan koettiin aiheuttavan pettymyksiä useammin kuin luonnollisten hakutulosten. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä voidaan todeta, että tällä hetkellä Googlella hakukoneena on merkittävä rooli maatalousyrittäjän ostopäätösprosessissa. Maatalousyrittäjän suhtautuminen Googlen hakusanamainontaan on kielteistä, mutta he hyödyntävät sitä merkittävissä määrin.

Tarkastelen tässä tutkielmassani Carl Schmittin ja Hans Kelsenin Weimarin tasavallan aikaista ajattelua suhteutettuna aikakauden poliittisiin virtauksiin ja 1800-luvun saksalaisen oikeustieteen perintöön. Kriisiajan oikeustieteen tarkastelulla pyrin osaltaan valottamaan politiikan ja oikeuden välistä suhdetta. Järjestelmän perusteita koskevan konsensuksen murentuessa myös mahdollisuus juridisen ja poliittisen välisen erottelun ylläpitoon heikentyy. Aloitan esittelemällä tasavallan historiallisen kehityslinjan 1918 vallankumouksesta syksyyn 1932, jolloin parlamentaarisen demokratian perustan voidaan viimeistään katsoa murtuneen. Tarkastelen tasavallan historiaa ensisijaisesti pitkittyneenä luokkakonfliktina SPD:n ja työväenliikkeen sekä keisarikunnan aikaisen eliitin välillä. Weimarin kontekstissa kysymys parlamentarismista oli kysymys myös alempien sosiaaliluokkien mahdollisuudesta osallistua parlamentin välityksellä valtiotahdon muodostamiseen. Seuraavaksi tarkastelen Weimarin perustuslain institutionaalisia ratkaisuja, joissa vahvalla plebisitäärisellä legitimiteetillä varustetulla presidentillä pyrittiin tasapainottamaan parlamentin valtaa. Edelleen pyrin kartoittamaan historiallis-ideologisia tekijöitä Weimarin parlamentaarisen järjestelmän ongelmien taustalla. Lopulta esitän tiivistetysti labandilaisen oikeustieteen paradigman, josta tasavallan ajattelu versoi. Carl Schmittiä tarkastelen aikakauden antiparlamentaaristen ajatusvirtausten teoreettisena henkilöitymänä. Järjestelmän perusta oli irrationaalinen päätös jaottelussa sen ystäviin ja vihollisiin luoden homogeenisen kansakunnan ja mahdollistaen siten hallitsijoiden ja hallittujen välisen demokraattisen identiteetin. Liberaali parlamentarismi oli sen sijaan aristokraattisena järjestelmänä menettänyt oman ideaalisen oikeutuksensa siltä osin, kuin parlamentti ei enää ilmentänyt diskursiivista rationaliteettia, vaan siitä oli tullut ainoastaan yhteiskunnan eri valtakeskittymien välisen kaupanteon forum. Suhteutan kuitenkin sekä Schmittin demokratiakäsityksen että tämän parlamentarismikritiikin ajan historialliseen kontekstiin argumentoiden Schmittin teoreettisen kehikon olleen poliittisesti, ei kognitiivisesti motivoitunut. Hans Kelseniä tarkastelen taas eräänä harvoista aikakauden liberaalin puolueperusteisen parlamentarismin puolestapuhujista ja siten tämän juridista ja demokratiateoriaa toisiaan täydentävinä. Ideologiakritiikin hälvennettyä illuusiot järjestelmää edeltävän suvereenin valtiotahdon, kansakunnan kokonaisedun tai ylipositiivisen luonnonoikeuden mahdollisuudesta, oli parlamentarismi mahdollista ymmärtää järjestelmänä, jossa moninaisten yhteiskunnallisten ryhmittymien vastakkaisista intresseistä oli mahdollista muovata rauhanomainen kompromissi ja kodifioida se positiiviseen oikeuteen. Kriittis-relativistinen maailmankuva edellytti tällaisen intressien pluralismin hyväksymistä. Schmittiläinen kansakunnan homogeniteettiin perustuva malli oli sen sijaan vastaavalla tavalla metafyysinen, kuin teologisesti legitimoitu absoluuttinen monarkia. Lopuksi tarkastelen tasavallassa käytyä keskustelua lakien perustuslainmukaisuuden valvonnasta ja Preussin vallankaappausjutun oikeuskäsittelyä, jossa Schmittin ja Kelsenin teoreettisten mallien käytännön soveltuvuus on näkyvillä. Schmittin mukaan presidentti oli valtiosäännön varjelijana oikeutettu tekemään poliittiset päätökset siitä, milloin perustava valtiollinen järjestys oli uhattuna. Järjestyksen perustava ratkaisu oli Saksan kansan yhtenäisyydestä tehdyssä valinnassa ja parlamentti näin yhteiskunnan pluralisoitumisen viime kädessä perustuslainvastainen heijastuma. Kelsen taas argumentoi lakien perustuslainmukaisuuden tuomioistuinten toimesta tapahtuvan valvonnan puolesta. Ilman lakien perustuslainmukaisuuden riippumatonta valvontaa, ei valtiolla tosiasiallisesti ollut perustuslakia lainkaan eikä ilman perustuslain tehokkaita vähemmistösuojasäännöksiä valtiota voinut pitää demokraattisena.

Ever since the 1980s, political parties have used commercial marketing agencies to conduct their election campaigns. The use of these agencies resulted in what Nicholas O'Shaughnessy has coined political marketing, the marketing of a political product through commercial marketing techniques. This thesis evaluates the normative dimension of this technique, evaluating how it may impact party diversity through the case study of the past three German federal election cycles. To come to a conclusion on the normative dimensions of the utilisation of political marketing the thesis references both O'Shaughnessy's political marketing theory and Otto Kircheimer's catch all party theorem to evaluate the impact political marketing has on party representation. This thesis argues that the political marketing theory and catch all theorem intersect theoretically, making the point that political marketing can both be a symptom and cause of parties transforming into catch all parties, thus constituting a threat to democratic diversity. As its method the thesis uses an audiovisual analysis using the method of iconography. Through it analyses the audiovisual communication of German parties in the past three election cycles by looking at their election advertisement videos. This thesis concludes, through its theoretical framework, analysis of the case study and interpretation, that the advertisements show two main features of a catch all parties defined by Kircheimer: A homogenisation of stylistic means of parties not ideologically affiliated, and de- ideologisation and personification. This means that according to this thesis the German pluralistic party system turning into a system of catch all party system is exemplified and exarcebated by the utilisation of political marketing techniques, a process that is illuminated by the election advertisements of the main political parties.

This thesis aims to assess the state and development of beekeeping in Uruguay. Uruguay exports more than 90% of its honey and supplies regularly to the demanding markets in the EU and the US. As marginalized actors in the global honey chain, the beekeepers' livelihoods are largely dependent on the shifts of globalization, predominantly on the patterns of global economy. Proliferation of voluntary certification schemes such as Fairtrade International and European Union Organic Farming have become evident features of these patterns. Adoption of voluntary certification schemes has impacted particularly the development trajectories of smallholders, which is why particular attention in this thesis was laid on them. It was, however, quickly understood the development is dependent on several factors on different levels. To conceptualize these levels, value chain governance and voluntary certification schemes in them were seen shaping the livelihood outcomes of the smallholders. Combining governance and horizontal livelihood approaches, which represents the main innovation of this thesis, was used to identify action points and upgrading strategies feasible for the beekeepers as actors engaged in the global honey chain. In addition, this thesis further highlights the context of beekeeping as a livelihood, honey as a commodity with certain features and market dynamics, as well as Uruguay as the main geographical scope. Research methods were qualitative. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2014 with four different respondent groups along the global honey chain: importers of honey in the EU; representatives of local institutions and export agencies in Uruguay; and the beekeepers themselves, which of some were organized in cooperatives. From the collected data, the development trajectories were analyzed deductively to identify the viable strategies to improve sustainable livelihood outcomes. Based on results, the global honey chain was found buyer-driven since the buyers bear the most powerful role. The structure replicates features of market and captive types of governance, suggesting there is a high degree of power asymmetry and coordination. Higher coordination, however, favors successful upgrading. By identifying the activities performed by actors in the chain, the action point was found in the production node due to the recent increase in activities. High costs of inputs and low margins throughout the chain were observed, particularly in the export node. Beekeepers' baseline conditions were determined as access to livelihood assets, which were found generally weak. State of the fundamental aspect of beekeeping, access to natural assets, was found alarming. The decreased floral resources in Uruguay are due to the rapid proliferation of changes in land use, accelerated by the main vulnerability causing shocks in production and with implications on prices: the climate variability. A key finding, however, was that the proliferation of Eucalyptus grandis in Uruguay has created a dependency by compensating the losses in production based on other flowerings. Furthermore, the emergence of pests has brought risk of losing colonies and increasing costs in treatment and prevention. Natural assets set the main constraint over sustainability of beekeeping in Uruguay, but possibilities to compensate smallholders was found among social assets, which clearly were not optimized at their current levels. This notion largely represents the main conclusion in this thesis: horizontal contractualization of the beekeepers through collective action is the only strategy with a reasonable balance between revenues and risks. In all other scenarios, the risks are likely to become unbearable, unless an external agent would be willing to guarantee the risks up to some point to initiate the process. Collective action was found as a precondition of vertical contractualization, which could include affiliation in voluntary certification schemes. Fairtrade International was predominantly found as a more attractive scheme, but could in this context benefit only a large cooperative with already good resources. Affiliation in a certification scheme, however, would not remove the main constraints faced by the sector in Uruguay, which are the decreasing production per hive and the costs running relatively faster than the prices received, resulting in a decreasing profitability. Whereas more beekeepers are excluded from the chain, the ones remaining practice beekeeping largely based on love and tradition. Future research is suggested to take a more sophisticated approach to cost-benefit analyses to support further decision-making on the level of the beekeepers, as well as on the level of policy-makers. In addition, prospective approaches to develop and assess the potential of systems such as payments for ecosystem services in the context of beekeeping are highly recommended.

The study explores how mineral resources are rendered governable through the EITI, a global multi-stakeholder governance mechanism focusing on transparency. The study focuses on Mozambique, a country with growing mining and petroleum sectors and low rankings on governance indices. Stakeholders views on extractive sector governance in Mozambique are analysed through the theoretical framework of governmentality. A governmentality approach focuses on how we govern and are governed, and the nexus between thought and governing. The data for this study consists of 20 interviews conducted in Maputo, Mozambique with government officials, civil society actors, representatives of extractive companies and development partners. The interview data was analysed by conducting a qualitative content analysis. The EITI is a governance mechanism within which governments, civil society actors and companies collaborate to publish and communicate information about the oil, gas and mining sectors. The role the EITI assigns to non-state and private actors and the value it places on liberal ideals show that the EITI reflects a neoliberal understanding of governance. Mozambique has implemented the EITI since 2009. This study demonstrates that in Mozambique, despite EITI implementation, the adoption of neoliberal governance is not complete. Actors deploy neoliberal and other techniques of governance selectively to further their agendas. The state remains a central hub for mineral resource governance, and different actors attempt to influence governance through the state apparatus. Transnational influences, such as development aid, steer the state towards adopting neoliberal governance. Civil society continues to have limited influence over mineral resource governance despite participation in the EITI. However, the adoption of neoliberal forms of governance may open up opportunities for civil society to influence governance.

This Master’s thesis examines the way neoliberalism is being performed at a microscopic level by examining a project on immigrant women’s integration in Finland. The research is contextualized within the administrative changes brought by the New Public Management and the increase of immigrant integration-related projects with European funding. By using grounded theory method the research heavily relied on the empirical data as source of finding a suitable theoretical frame. The analysis was based on Michel Foucault’s work on governmentality and Michel Callon’s concept of agencements, which helped to better understand participants’ subjectivity in the project, while Erving Goffman’s work shed light on the dynamics of power in interaction between the project participants. This thesis focuses on analyzing the first year of the Integra project, organised as four cooperation forums where various stakeholders were invited to discuss openly about immigrant integration issues in Finland. The primary data for the thesis consists of eight focus group discussions collected from all the forums, which was later on supplemented by semi-structured interviews with the project organizers and key participants from the group discussions. The empirical data revealed that the stakeholders present in the forum actively used their agency while the group discussions followed an informal pattern as encouraged by the organizers’ methods. Despite the informal, grassroots characteristic of the project, power relations were configured in a complex manner combing techniques of self and techniques of domination. The neoliberal elements of the Integra project can be tracked in the way the project was organised; the availability of resources and criteria for such projects; the way participants display themselves in the forums; and the diffuse aspects of power and the neoliberal principles that guide the discussions in the forum. In the discussion subchapter several concerns are raised on how the neoliberalism is being performed at a grassroots level in our ‘project society’ and the effects it has on shaping the immigrants’ integration politics.

The thesis aims at investigating the local dimension of the EU cohesion policy through the utilization of an alternative approach, which aims at the analysis of discourse and structures of power. The concrete case under analysis is the Interreg IV programme 'Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein', which is conducted in the border region between Germany, Switzerland, Austria and the principality of Liechtenstein. The main research question is stated as such: What governmental rationalities can be found at work in the field of EU cross-border cooperation programmes? How is directive action and cooperation envisioned? How coherent are the different rationalities, which are found at work? The theoretical framework is based on a Foucaultian understanding of power and discourse and utilizes the notion of governmentalities as a way to de-stabilize the understanding of directive action and in order to highlight the dispersed and heterogeneous nature of governmental activity. The approach is situated within the general field of research on the European Union connected to basic conceptualisations such as the nature of power, the role of discourse and modes of subjectification. An approach termed 'analytics of government', based on the work of researchers like Mitchell Dean is introduced as the basic framework for the analysis. Four dimensions (visiblities, subjectivities, techniques/practices, problematisations) are presented as a set of tools with which governmental regimes of practices can be analysed. The empirical part of the thesis starts out with a discussion of the general framework of the European Unions cohesion policy and places the Interreg IV Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein programme in this general context. The main analysis is based on eleven interviews which were conducted with different individuals, participating in the programme on different levels. The selection of interview partners aimed at maximising heterogeneity through including individuals from all parts of the programme region, obtaining different functions within the programme. The analysis reveals interesting aspects pertaining to the implementation and routine aspects of work within initiatives conducted under the heading of the EU cohesion policy. The central aspects of an Interreg IV Alpenrhein-Bodensee-Hochrhein – governmentality are sketched out. This includes a positive perception of the work atmosphere, administrative/professional characterisation of the selves and a de-politicization of the programme. Characteristic is the experience of tensions by interview partners and the use of discoursive strategies to resolve them. Negative perceptions play an important role for the specific governmental rationality. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the local dimension of the European Union cohesion policy and questions established ways of thinking about governmental activity. It provides an insight into the working of power mechanisms in the constitution of fields of discourse and points out matters of practical importance as well as subsequent research questions.

This thesis examines the implementation of general purpose graphics processing unit (GPGPU) acceleration to a non-equilibrium Green’s function (NEGF) equation solver in the context of a computational photoelectrochemical (PEC) cell model. The goal is to find out whether GPGPU acceleration of the NEGF equation solver is a viable option. The current model does not yet have electron-photon scattering, but from the results it is possible to assess the viability of GPGPU acceleration in the case of a complete PEC cell model. The viability of GPGPU acceleration was studied by comparing the performance difference of two graphics processing unit (GPU) solutions against a multi core central processing unit (CPU) solution. The difference between the two GPU solutions was in the used floating-point precision. The GPU solutions would use LU factorization to solve the NEGF equations, and the CPU solution a banded solver (Gauss tridiagonal) provided by Scipy Python package. The performance comparison was done on multiple different GPU and CPU hardware. The electrical transport properties of the PEC cell were modeled by a self-consistent process in which the NEGF and Poisson equations were solved iteratively. The PEC cell was described as a semiconductor device connected with a metal and electrolyte contacts. The device was assumed to be a simple one dimensional tight-binding atom chain made of GaAs, where the transverse modes in the y–z plane are treated with a logarithmic function. The computational model did lack electron-photon scattering, which would be implemented in the future. From the benchmark results, it can be concluded that the GPGPU acceleration via LU factorization is not a viable option in the current code or in the complete model with electron-photon scattering and the assumed approximations. The parallel multi-core CPU code generally outperformed the GPU codes. The key weakness of the GPU code was the usage of LU factorization. Despite of this, there could be an opportunity for GPGPU acceleration if a more complex lattice structure and more exact scattering terms would be used. Also, a GPU accelerated tridiagonal solver could be a possible solution.