Browsing by master's degree program "Master's Programme in Russian Studies"

The thesis focuses on the process of large-scale privatization in Russia and Kazakhstan in the 1990s, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The main research problem was finding the structural similarities that two countries shared before and during the implementation of the economic reforms and, also, the differences that defined the divergence of the political and economic trajectories already in the second half of the 1990s. The main method used in the thesis is a comparative analysis based on David Kang´s analytical framework described in his book ‘Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines’ (Cambridge University Press, 2002). The focus of the analysis is the balance of power between the government and the private sector as one of the main determinants of economic development. The conclusion of our work is that the large-scale privatization that was supposed to be democratic and distributive ended up enriching a small group of beneficiaries in both Russia in Kazakhstan but because of completely different reasons. Kazakhstani regime very early transformed into the predatory state where the political elite, consolidated around a strong figure of the president, could successfully take advantage of the private sector. Whereas, in Russia, stronger political polarization led to the rise of the powerful economic groups and actors (the ‘oligarchs’) that had a say in the key political decisions during the 1990s. Thus, portraying just one group of actors (whether the oligarchs or the corrupt government) as responsible for the ‘failure’ of large-scale privatization is too simplistic. The dynamics between the government and the private businesses as the system constraint was much more important.

Faculty: Master’s Degree Program in Russian Studies (MARS) Carter Boone, MA Student Master’s Thesis May 2022 Number of pages: 57 Keywords: Canada, Russia, Arctic Exceptionalism, Great Power Competition Supervisor: Veli-Pekka Tynkkynen Helsinki University Library Abstract: Canada and Russia have a long history of cooperation in the Arctic region. The two see themselves as Arctic great powers responsible for agenda setting and institution building in the region. This long history of cooperation has fueled the perception of the Arctic as an exceptional zone of peace where often competing powers shield the region from extra-regional conflict in favour of cooperation in science, technology, climate change, and business-to-business linkages. The notion of the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation has been termed “Arctic Exceptionalism”. This concept is based on several central tenets including the longstanding lack of interest in the region, the sufficient existing institutional framework for mitigating conflict, the enduring preference of the Arctic 8 states for cooperation in the region, and the overarching desire to foster a fruitful investment climate in the Arctic. Historical analysis of the Canada-Russia Arctic relationship does support the argument of Arctic Exceptionalism, but the resilience of Arctic Exceptionalism moving forward is less certain. The rise of Great Power Competition between the United States, China, and Russia has the potential to upset the existing balance in the region as increasingly competitive rhetoric from both sides complicates efforts at cooperation. Climate change and its influence have increased access to the Arctic region, drawing the attention of Arctic states and non-Arctic stakeholders such as China to try and capitalise on the vast natural resources previously trapped beneath sea ice. Disputes arising over resources in the Arctic region, competition between great powers, and the impact of extra-regional conflicts will test the ability of the existing international framework to govern the Arctic. It remains to be seen if increased GPC and the impact of climate change will inhibit or complicate cooperation between Canada and Russia in the Arctic, but it is clear that many of the preconditions for Arctic Exceptionalism are no longer fulfilled.

This qualitative study explores the extent to which nostalgia for the Soviet era of social provision motivated Russians to protest against raising the retirement age in 2018. Social rights as formulated in the Soviet era still inform expectations of a paternalistic welfare system in Russia today, in spite of a gradual state withdrawal from the social sphere. Meanwhile, the Russian state continues to espouse a rhetorical commitment to social provision. This thesis compares local news media and Vkontakte discussions of the reforms across three Russian cities (Saint Petersburg, Togliatti and Pskov), and is guided by Zubarevich’s concept of ‘Four Russias’. This thesis argues that, for many Russians, nostalgia for the Soviet era of social provision motivated them to protest. Nostalgic sentiments varied between regions - in Saint Petersburg, many residents reflected on the Soviet past critically (reflective nostalgia), while people in Togliatti longed for the reinstitution of Soviet norms and institutions (restorative nostalgia). Little nostalgic sentiment was noted in Pskov. Fears of a diminished quality of life in retirement and mistrust of the actions of the federal administration were other motivations to protest. This thesis sheds light on the gap between social welfare provision and state rhetoric in Russia, highlights the limits of nostalgic rhetoric for political aims, and explores how expectations of the state vary between Russian regions.

Prior to the start of the war in Ukraine in early 2022, the Russian Federation was home to not only 20% of the world’s forests, but surprisingly also the highest number of certified forests in the world. The present study analyzed how forest certification, under the FSC and PEFC schemes, has been used in the Russian Federation by forest industry actors and government actors, with particular attention to the motivations for participation and perceived benefits of participation in the programs. This study is important because the need for a global sustainability transition is not limited to certain regime types, and the best methods to encourage transition within one context may not work within all other contexts. This study helps to fill the gap in the understanding of how and why forestry certification may be utilized in both the authoritarian context, and within the context of the Russian Federation. Based on the research, it was hypothesized that the Russian Federation participated in forest certification programs primarily for economic reasons, driven mainly by the demand of environmentally sensitive Western markets. It was hypothesized that the weak, rather than strong, sustainability is present in the Russian Federation and that the results would reflect this by being skewed strongly towards a single pillar: economic. Rather than carrying out the programs in truth, it was believed that forest certification was greenwashing–intended to create and maintain an image of the Russian Federation as an environmentally friendly nation. The study was conducted using the method of content analysis. A total of 232 documents from a selection of state and industry sources were coded inductively with codes sorted according to the three pillars of sustainability: economic, environmental, and social. In contrast to the hypothesis of the study, that economic codes would dominate–environmental codes were the most present, accounting for 41.8% of total occurrences. While unexpected, the findings of this study have helped to strengthen the assertions of previous scholars that forest certification is not all that it seems. The dominance of environmental codes in forest certification discourse contrasts with existing scholarly evidence regarding the environmental degradation present in Russia–generating more questions than this study is equipped to answer. Future study on the topic of forest certification and greenwashing in the Russian Federation is necessary to provide further clarity on the topic.

Tässä maisterintutkielmassa tarkastellaan Venäjälle kohdistuneiden matkustajavirtojen sekä Venäjän viisujärjestelmän kehitystä vuosina 2002–2019. Tutkielman tavoitteena on ollut koota Venäjään kohdistunut matkailukehitys ei-IVY-maista yhdelle paperille, jotta aineistoa voitaisiin tarkastella Venäjän ulkopolitiikan muutoksen näkökulmasta. Tämä maisterintutkielma ehdottaa matkustajavirtojen sekä viisumijärjestelmän toimivan hyvänä indikaattorina valtioiden ulkopoliittisesta muutoksesta. Tutkielman aihe on ajankohtainen, sillä tilastoja Venäjän matkailusta ei ole englannin kielellä koottu kattavasti koherenttiin kokonaisuuteen, ja toisaalta vuonna 2019 Venäjän toteuttama sähköinen viisumireformi tekee aiheesta ajankohtaisen. Vuoden 2019 Venäjän sähköinen viisumireformi on osa historiallista jatkumoa, minkä takia on mielenkiintoista tarkastella viisumireformia edeltänyttä ajanjaksoa osana laajempaa kehityskaarta Venäjän viisumi- ja ulkopolitiikassa. Tässä tutkielmassa aineistona käytetään Venäjän valtiollisen tilastokeskuksen kokoamaa aineistoa Venäjälle kohdistuneesta matkustuksesta vuosina 2002–2019 sekä erityisesti Oxfordin yliopiston koostamaa DEMIG Visa -dataa globaalista viisumikehityksestä. Tämän lisäksi Maailmanpankin, UNWTO:n sekä Maailman talousfoorumin aineistoja käytetään hyväksi Venäjän matkailukehityksen kokonaiskuvan kokoamisessa. Tutkielman tilastoanalyysin teoreettisena pohjana käytetään ulkopolitiikan muutoksen kategorisointiin luotuja teoriarakenteita esimerkiksi K.J. Holstin sekä Charles F. Hermanin toimesta. Tutkielman tilastoanalyysin mukaan eurooppalaiset valtiot ovat menettäneet merkitystään Venäjän matkailusektorilla vuosituhannen vaihteen jälkeen ja erityisesti 2010-luvulla. Tutkielman tilastoanalyysi osoittaa, kuinka esimerkiksi Kiina, Etelä-Korea sekä Israel ovat merkittävimmin kasvattaneet markkinaosuuttaan Venäjän matkailussa matkustajamääriä mittaessa. Tutkielman primääriaineistoa laajemman ulkopoliittisen tutkimuskirjallisuuden tarkastelun myötä käy ilmi, kuinka matkailukehityksellä sekä diplomaattisten suhteiden laajemmalla kehityssuunnalla vaikuttaa löytyvän ajallinen yhteys Venäjän kontekstissa. Tämä tukee tutkimuksen premissiä siitä, kuinka matkustustilastot sekä viisumipolitiikka voisivat toimia hyvinä indikaattoreina ulkopolitiikan muutoksen tutkimukselle. Tutkielman tilastoanalyysi sekä viisujärjestelmätutkimus osoittavat, kuinka vuoden 2014 jälkeen eurooppalaisten valtioiden merkitys Venäjän matkailusektorille matkustajavolyymeja tarkasteltaessa on voimistuen vähentynyt, sillä vuosina 2014–2019 matkailu Euroopasta Venäjälle supistui lähes 25 prosentilla globaalin kokonaismatkailun Venäjälle kasvaessa samanaikaisesti. Tutkimus toimii hyvänä aineistona niille, jotka tarvitsevat koottua tilastotietoa Venäjän matkailukehityksestä vuosilta 2002–2019.

In the study the present is mirrored to the past in the Russian economy with focus on similarities in the fields of investment/capital, knowledge/technology and entrepreneurship. The periods were 1894 to 1914 and 2000 to 2020. The fields appeared as central factors in programs for economic modernization in 1890s and the 2000s. It was assumed, that there would be major similarities in the studied areas in the two periods. The hypothesis was tested by applying roughly the hypothetico-deductive method while utilizing freely the theories of Anthony Giddens. The material consisted primarily of secondary sources. Major similarities in investments were the primacy of defence and the transport sector, pipelines in the 2000s and before 1914 railways. Both served the export of raw materials, grain respective hydrocarbons. The incomes from these main export products were largely invested into the transport sector and the defence of the huge territory. The state remained the main actor steering largely investments in a way that increased the defence capability of the country, the railways having a military function. In both periods a strict monetary policy was conducted. In the field of knowledge, the structures favoured creation of theoretical knowledge but not of innovations. While private entrepreneurship remained important, the state became the main actor in the economy promoting modernization. In the earlier period it implemented an economic program whose main factors were the building of railways, attracting foreign investments and maintaining high custom barriers. In the 2000s the lack of one single program was compensated by the generally greater role of the state, state companies and the huge state-owned defence industry. The custom barriers were initially lowered, but in the 2010s the policy of import substitution and devaluation of the rouble brought similarities to the former system. In both periods the wealth and military power of the country grew from the initial level. Yet the results were far from the ambitious goals set. The systems remained monopolistic, relatively inefficient and disinterested of inventions, with corruption, bribery and dishonest business practices. The border between state and private sectors was blurred. Subsidies provided mainly by the export of raw materials bolstered the systems. These features could be seen as obstacles for economic modernization. To verify whether they all are would require including more theory of economic modernization. Both in good and bad, the structures of the two periods seem so much alike even on a detailed level, that one could suspect partial imitation of the past in the 2000s. The similarities could as well be due to long-term structures of Russia, be they cultural, institutional, geographical or geopolitical. They could result either from direct continuities from earlier periods or features that re-emerge due to a change of conditions. Mentions of similar traits in other periods of the Russian history might indicate the predominance of structural causes, making quick changes difficult. A more plausible explanation would require the widening of the study to include more countries and time periods.

RT (formerly Russia Today) is a Russian state-owned international news broadcaster. It is considered to be one of the Russian government’s key means through which mis- or disinformation can be spread. Russia has been accused of spreading disinformation and causing political polarisation through ‘troll factories’ on social media and state-owned, internationally targeted media outlets such as RT. The presumption that can be found in the existing literature on RT is that it only functions as the Kremlin’s propaganda mouthpiece. Such a stance is problematic; hence, this research instead analyses RT’s coverage of the 2019 European Parliamentary elections as an independent actor separate from the Kremlin. Due to its transnational nature, the European Parliamentary elections in May 2019 were seen as a potential target of Russian interest and hence chosen as the context of this research. Instead of seeking for signs of Russian intervention, the focus is on how RT constructs the notion of a collapsing EU establishment. The materials included in this research consist of 94 articles derived from RT’s English language website. As the research deals with text and meaning-making, discourse theory forms its theoretical framework, while the method of analysis is discourse-theoretical analysis (DTA). DTA employs the key concepts of discourse theory to guide the analysis. In this context, the main concepts are hegemony and antagonism. Hegemony refers to a discourse that holds power and is able to influence social order. A hegemony always implies an antagonism, which is the hegemony’s ultimate ‘other’ that struggles to overturn the hegemonic discourse in order to shift power relations. The analysis shows that in this context, hegemony refers to the EU establishment and ‘mainstream’ media, while antagonism refers to the right-wing anti-establishment and alternative media. The EU establishment and mainstream media are framed as hostile in the articles, as they accuse the anti-establishment having connections to Russia, and RT in particular of being the Kremlin’s messenger. The articles provide counter-evidence of the allegations, thereby discrediting the establishment and mainstream media. The electoral success of the anti-establishment parties is framed as ending the centuries-long hegemony of the EU establishment. By framing the EU establishment and mainstream media in such a manner, the anti-establishment and alternative media are mirrored in a more positive light, representing the true will of the people and acting as the bearers of ‘truth’. These can be seen as increasing the credibility of the anti-establishment and RT in the eyes of the reader.

The past two decades has seen significant shifts (or a rebound) in Russian foreign policy, ranging from Putin’s pragmatic cooperation to a new line of assertiveness under a “rhetoric of resistance” against a perceived US-led Atlantic expansionism. The incommensurate views between Moscow and the Atlantic Community regarding the political layout of the post-Cold War order has seen the emergence of what some would describe as a New Cold War on the European continent. With it has come a renewed focus on Northern Europe and the Arctic. For smaller Nordic countries such as Norway, the collapse of the USSR brough a general optimism that Oslo’s geopolitical position between Moscow and Washington belonged to the past. However, the re-emergence of a Muscovite State capable and willing to assert its interests in opposition to Washington’s hegemonic interests has made it clear that these predictions had not come to pass. During the immediate post-Cold War period, Norwegian foreign and security policy underwent significant shifts in pursuit of its partnership interests vis-à-vis the United States. As such, Norway finds itself increasingly in a squeeze between its partnership interests and increased dependency vis-à-vis United States, and its position as a good neighbour towards Russia. As such, this thesis aims to understand on what grounds Russian perspectives may increasingly come to view Norway as a growing operational piece for US-led ‘post-Cold War expansive Cold War liberal order’?

This thesis investigates strategy formation and its use in the Saint Petersburg contemporary dance community. In Russia the 1920s was the golden era of contemporary dance, however, this period only lasted for a few years. As the development of the industries, modern and contemporary forms were hindered by political and societal changes. During these ambiguous times, only classical ballet and folk dance were widely accepted in the country. Still today, there is inequality in the Russian dance field between different genres since classical ballet as well as folk dance are provided government support both financially and through educational opportunities. As a result, restrictive policies and uncertainty appear in the everyday life of contemporary dance practitioners and they are part of a somewhat divided community. The main research question of this thesis is ‘How do actors in the Saint Petersburg contemporary dance industry understand their mission and what kind of strategies do they have in their use to pursue this?’. This study aims to understand their strategic planning processes; to identify the community’s current engagements in strategic management and how the actors utilize operational tools such as SWOT analysis or the inspection of goals and mission statements within the organizations. In addition, the study analyzes how these objectives can be transformed for the benefit of the industry. This research is a qualitative case study and its primary data are five semi-structured interviews conducted in Saint Petersburg in July 2019 with local contemporary dance practitioners and professionals. The materials are analyzed using applied thematic analysis and grounded theory. This study contributes to the theoretical discussions of strategic management in arts organizations and oversees how the power of a mission statement is understood and operational planning tools are used. There is still a need for actions in building sustainable infrastructure in order to ensure the continuation of financial support for contemporary dance. The main results of this research suggest that the organizations have become aware of the tools they need to use to influence and ensure the future of contemporary dance in Russia. An objective of the dance community is to increase individual engagement of contemporary dance in order to elevate this visibility of the discipline amongst decision-makers and new audiences. By not focusing on internal competition, the actors in Saint Petersburg can turn their skills into resources for the whole industry. This thesis will help to demonstrate the attempts of these professionals and the whole community and lastly, bring new topics of advocacy into discussion among the actors in the Saint Petersburg contemporary dance community, institutions and the whole cultural and creative sector in Russia.

One of the most prolific and effective weapons employed by the Kremlin today is its powerful and far-reaching propaganda machine. It is well known that the propaganda continuing to emanate from Moscow has been remarkably successful at keeping support high for a war effort that continues to come at a tremendous cost. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the ideological foundations that lie at the heart of this propagandist narrative, and to explore their origins. I argue that this modern propaganda actually has its roots in Slavophile and Eurasianist writings from the 19th-20th Century, and most significantly from two writers, Ivan Ilyin and Lev Gumilev. The theories of these two prominent Russian thinkers largely serve as the ideological backing Russia requires to legitimize its invasion of Ukraine within its own borders. This thesis will employ discourse analysis, analyzing everything from speeches to Russian National Security Strategies, and going as far back as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s unprecedented 2007 speech before the Munich Security Conference. My aim is to demonstrate how the Kremlin’s propaganda machine selectively employs and weaponizes this antiquated rhetoric to justify Russian strategic aggression. The hope is that this thesis provides a better understanding of the propaganda that Russians are subjected to on a daily basis. A more thorough understanding of others can be obtained through a better understanding of the current cultural and political environment that people find themselves immersed in. Hopefully, this knowledge will one day improve people’s tolerance and assist in the process of finding diplomatic solutions and other viable alternatives to war.