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This qualitative study explores the extent to which nostalgia for the Soviet era of social provision motivated Russians to protest against raising the retirement age in 2018. Social rights as formulated in the Soviet era still inform expectations of a paternalistic welfare system in Russia today, in spite of a gradual state withdrawal from the social sphere. Meanwhile, the Russian state continues to espouse a rhetorical commitment to social provision. This thesis compares local news media and Vkontakte discussions of the reforms across three Russian cities (Saint Petersburg, Togliatti and Pskov), and is guided by Zubarevich’s concept of ‘Four Russias’. This thesis argues that, for many Russians, nostalgia for the Soviet era of social provision motivated them to protest. Nostalgic sentiments varied between regions - in Saint Petersburg, many residents reflected on the Soviet past critically (reflective nostalgia), while people in Togliatti longed for the reinstitution of Soviet norms and institutions (restorative nostalgia). Little nostalgic sentiment was noted in Pskov. Fears of a diminished quality of life in retirement and mistrust of the actions of the federal administration were other motivations to protest. This thesis sheds light on the gap between social welfare provision and state rhetoric in Russia, highlights the limits of nostalgic rhetoric for political aims, and explores how expectations of the state vary between Russian regions.

From 2017 pharmaceutical companies have had the option to apply for conditional reimbursement. With a temporary legislative experiment, the government intended for a more facilitated introduction of novel medicines as well as to enable access to new products for the patients who needed them. Additionally, conditional reimbursement was used to ensure Juha Sipiläs governments cuts on the pharmaceutical expenditures and explore the compatibility of the new risk-sharing measure with the Finnish reimbursement scheme. In recent years, Risk-sharing in pharmaceutical reimbursements has increased in Europe to mitigate uncertainties relating to new medicines. At the core of the risk-sharing model is the confidential risk-sharing agreement negotiated between the company and the government. In its current practice, all these agreements have been financial based. The application of conditional reimbursement has increased the number of available products and most likely positively impacted the patients access to treatment. The research was conducted mainly as a doctrinal analysis, while also utilising law and economics when comparing the current Health Insurance Act (1224/2004) regarding conditional reimbursement, and the related preparatory works of the government to other legislation and the result of the experiment. Based on the analysis an interpretation was given regarding the compatibility of conditional reimbursement for the Finnish reimbursement scheme, as well as proposals for its alterations. The research showed that conditional reimbursement has a good possibility to become a permanent part of the Finnish reimbursement scheme, however changes to the current practice needs to be made. The confidentiality of the agreements has reduced the transparency of the reimbursement scheme. Transparency should be added with accepting a new agreement type and through increasing the number of performance-based agreements. Additionally, there is a new for more research concerning the economic impact of the experiment over reimbursement expenditures and the increases of the levels of social welfare. However, based on the gathered data the compatibility of conditional reimbursement for the Finnish reimbursement scheme can be vouched for.

In this thesis I look at the evolution of portrayals of English working-class women, more specifically in the north of England by close readings of three novels. First, I discuss the working-class female characters in Elisabeth Gaskell’s North and South from 1854. I then continue the analysis with Miss Nobody by Ethel Carnie from 1913, widely considered the first published woman of a working-class background. Lastly, I look at a more recent novel, Saltwater by Jessica Andrews from 2019. Across different time periods, these novels deal with similar issues of regional, gender and class divide, and provide narratives of working-class women which have been and still are underrepresented in literature. I discuss the novels through three different themes: gender, class, and region, which have been separated into subchapters for clarity of structure. Intersectionality offers the theoretical background for analyzing the three overlapping factors of identity. The historical outlook describes the developments, which have played a part in creating and maintaining these categories of class, gender, and regional divide in England. In this thesis, I show how these novels portray the development of the regional divide and chance of shifting class identity as women, and how despite changes over time in society, there are many similarities in their experiences as northern working-class women. The novels reflect changes in society whereby women gradually become more independent through employment opportunities, and social mobility becomes an achievable goal. Nonetheless, similar issues such as sexual harassment are found in all three narratives. Regionally, North and South and Miss Nobody represent the north of England in its industrial era, whereas Saltwater represents the post-industrial north reeling from the loss of industry. Despite the vast period these novels represent, all of them provide similar descriptions of ‘it’s grim up north’ simultaneously describing but also maintaining a stereotypical image of the northern areas of England. The Covid-19 pandemic revealed how deeply ingrained class structures and regional inequalities still are especially for women in England, demonstrating how important awareness and further research of these issues is.

The aim of this paper is to present the evolution of the Francovich doctrine within the European legal order. The first part deals with the gradual development of the ECJ's case law on State liability in damages for breach of EC law. Starting from the seminal Francovich and Brasserie du Pêcheur, the clarification of the criteria set by the Court is attempted with reference to subsequent case law, whereas issues concerning the extent and form of the compensation owned are also mentioned. The second part concerns one of the more recent developments in the field, namely State liability for breaches of Community law attributed to national judiciary. The Court's ruling in Köbler is examined in connection with two other recent judgments, namely Commission v. Italy of 2003 and Kühne & Heitz, as an attempt of the ECJ to reframe its relationships with national supreme courts and appropriate for itself the position of the Supreme Court in the European legal order. The implications on State liability claims by the ruling in Commission v. France of 1997 constitute the theme of the third part, where it is submitted that Member States can also be held liable for disregard of Community law by private individuals within their respected territories. To this extent, Schmidberger is viewed as a manifestation of this opinion, with fundamental rights acquiring a new dimension, being invoked by the States, contra the individuals as a shield to liability claims. Finally, the third part examines the relationship between the Francovich doctrine and the principle of legal certainty and concludes that the solutions employed by the ECJ have been both predictable and acceptable by the national legal orders.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the representations of Russian-European relations in the articles covering the Pussy Riot case in four Russian newspapers: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Kommersant, Vedomosti, and Izvestia. The subject matter is relevant due to the fact that in recent years relations between Russia and Europe have become stagnant and unproductive. There are a variety of reasons that underpin the deterioration of Russian-European relations, including the world economic crisis and NATO expansion. However, coverage of these changes in the Russian press is influenced not only by the actual situation, but also by the discourses of political parties as well as by Russian national political culture. Because media representations convey values, beliefs, and meanings, the representations in Russian newspapers play a crucial role in shaping the way people see themselves and the country they live in. Media representations also have potential to influence how people perceive their relations with others and have an impact on their behavior. It means that Russian-European relations are eventually partly constructed by the way they are represented in the Russian press. The main research question is: how are relations between Europe and Russia represented in the articles covering the Pussy Riot case and in the context of Russian political culture and the discourses of different Russian political powers? The Pussy Riot case and associated events are a suitable angle for the research because they have invoked wide spread discussion in mass media and demonstrated some fundamental differences in Russian and European cultures. The Pussy Riot case is a criminal process of three members of the punk band Pussy Riot who were charged with hooliganism. The research is conducted within the theoretical frames of media discourse and international relations theory. The basic supposition implies that media discourse is, to a large extent, shaped by the discourses of diverse political forces and by a national political culture. In order to answer the research question, a critical discourse analysis of the relevant texts has been conducted on three levels: linguistic, intertextual, and the macro level of social structures. In the course of the analysis, it has been possible to retrieve a variety of representations of Russian-European relations. These representations are: political, cultural, and religious collision, Europe as a mentor, Europe as a savior, Europe as an economic partner, Russia as an integral part of Europe. The first one is more widely employed by the pro-government publications. The second and the third seem to be more relevant for the liberal press, while the last two representations are associated with the opinions of particular experts and politicians. Overall, the results enable us to conclude that the representation of Russian-European relations as a collision is hegemonic. It purports that regardless of what Putin’s government states in official papers and speeches meant for the European audience, it still does not consider Europe as a friend.

In the context of collective bargaining, decentralization refers to the process in which national and sectoral wage agreements lose prominence as the primary institution of wage-setting, and are replaced by negotiations conducted at the firm or establishment level. In the Finnish context, the collective bargaining institution has faced a gradual decentralization process during the 21st century, exemplified by the loss of prominence of the previously common national income policy agreements, and the transformation of some key sectoral agreements into groups of firm-level agreements. In this thesis, I analyze the decentralization of collective bargaining in Finland both through qualitative institutional exploration and quantitative empirical analysis. I first present the Finnish bargaining institution and its decentralization process in detail, comparing it to its international equivalents and drawing insights from these comparisons. I then move on to empirically analyze how local bargaining provisions in collective agreements affect wages using high-quality individual-level panel data matched with a novel collective agreement dataset. Theoretical literature has shown that decentralized or local bargaining can have various effects. Based on theoretical considerations, the balance of bargaining power between employers and employees can influence the effects to a great degree. If unions carry most of the bargaining power, local bargaining is likely to lead to higher average wages, rent-sharing and reduced wage dispersion. If firms have the edge with bargaining power, local bargaining is expected to increase wage dispersion and weaken the link between firm profits and wages. Evidence from empirical studies on the effects of local bargaining is relatively scarce. Most studies show that local bargaining is associated with a small positive premium on average wages. In addition, there is substantial evidence of a relationship between local bargaining and the increase of rent-sharing. However, the evidence on the effects on wage dispersion is mixed. I find that local bargaining has steadily increased in prevalence during the 21st century, though its distribution across industrial and occupational lines is uneven. Controlling for unobservable heterogeneity using a fixed effects approach, I find that local bargaining provisions in Finnish collective agreements are generally associated with a small premium in wages. The estimated effects are small enough to likely not affect economic outcomes in a large way. Specifically, local installments that do not institute fallback clauses specifying minimum increases in cases where negotiations fail, are associated with a wage premium of 0.5–1.7%. The existence of fallback clauses leads to outcomes resembling the absence of local bargaining. Finally, I find that local bargaining clauses enforcing primarily local wage negotiations lead to mixed outcomes. If negotiations are conducted over the size of the increase, the effect is positive, but if they are conducted over the execution of the increase, the effect is negative.

Objectives. The schooling system is in great turmoil in Finland at the moment. More effective knowledge creation and sharing among teachers are needed in order to develop the Finnish schooling system and to increase the study results of the students. Previous literature agrees that sharing and acquiring knowledge function as precondition for innovation and value creation in organizational and network contexts and thus makes knowledge vital for contemporary organizations. The transition between an individual's and a collective's knowledge creation, however, has not been widely studied. This study explores the development of a new "Compass Model for Shared Pedagogical Leadership in an activity-theoretical Change Laboratory intervention in the Finnish Viikki Teacher Training School from a knowledge creation perspective. The thesis examines how the transition from individually held knowledge of teaching transform into collective knowledge and a collaborative model of practicing. Further, it combines knowledge creation literature with the theory of expansive learning, which has not yet been done in detail. Methods. The interventionist and ethnographic methodology of the study draws on theoretical concepts, models, and methods from Cultural Historical Activity Theory and from the studies of individual and collective knowledge creation. The data analysed in this study consisted of six meetings carried out in the Viikki Teacher Training School by using the Change Laboratory method. The methodology of the study consists of a thematic analysis and analysis of transitions in knowledge creation during the Change Laboratory process. The analysis of transitions is a new qualitative method developed for this study based on findings in the data. Results and conclusions. The study shows that the knowledge creation of the teachers transitioned on a rough timeline from individually held knowledge of teaching to collaborative practice through multiple small cycles of expansive learning and social processes of knowledge building. Decrease in organizational tensions, creation of shared understanding and increased collaboration enabled the transition of knowledge creation from individual to collective. The collectively created model for shared pedagogical leadership promoted collaboration.

The topic of this thesis is to observe how the Centre Party of Finland (Suomen Keskusta), the Social Democratic Party of Finland (Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen Puolue, SDP) and the National Coalition Party (Kansallinen Kokoomus) have perceived the information and communication technology (ICT) and its role in the Finnish society between 1999 and 2015 in their party statements and manifestos. The role of ICT in the society is observed especially through the concepts of information society and digitalisation. The topic of this thesis thus ties into the broader 1990s and 2000s discussion on information society and digitalisation. The primary sources for the study include the Centre Party, the Social Democratic Party and the National Coalition Party's party programmes, general election manifestos, municipal election manifestos and party conference statements from 1999 to 2015. The primary sources are analysed by the following electoral terms: 1999-2003, 2003-2007, 2007-2011 and 2011-2015. The 2015 general election manifestos are also included in the set of primary materials, as are the government programmes for each electoral term. The role of government programmes in the study is to support the analysis of the party statements and manifestos. The parties' arguments and perceptions of information and communication technology are analysed using post-structural policy analysis. The main framework for the analysis is Carol Bacchi's What's the problem represented to be analysis. The objective of the thesis is to observe how the parties have represented information and communication technology as a policy problem in their statements, programmes and manifestos during each electoral term. In addition, the objective is to analyse both in the case of each party and between different parties how the problem representations are constructed, with which policy areas ICT is associated in the texts and how these problem representations change and evolve from one electoral term to the other. In addition to Bacchi's WPR-analysis, the analysis also draws from Kari Palonen's concept of politicisation which describes politics as action. In this thesis, the main function of politicisation is to describe how by politicising an issue, the parties open up both political space surrounding the politicised issue and also new opportunities for political action. The main findings of this thesis are that information and communication technology is represented in the parties' general election manifestos and party conference statements using two main representations; either as a means for solving existing social and public policy problems or as a part of a broader discourse on societal change. When represented as a means for solving existing social and public policy problems, ICT is discussed positively, optimistically and mostly to suit the perspective of the party's ideological standing. In the parties' statements and manifestos, the discourse on societal change is strongly tied into economic factors, such as the national competitiveness. ICT is depicted as a matter supporting and enhancing national competitiveness, and information society and digitalisation, in particular, as objectives that will strengthen future national competitiveness. Another finding is that the term “information society” disappears from the parties' manifestos and statements in the early 2010s, when the discussion surrounding ICT in the manifestos and statements shifts to digitalisation.

Aivoverenkiertohäiriö (AVH) on maailmanlaajuisesti merkittävimpiä kielen ja auditiivisen havaitsemisen vaikeuksien aiheuttajia. Viime vuosikymmeninä musiikin ja kielen harjoittamisen on havaittu edistävän aivoissa paitsi modaliteetin sisäistä (kieli–kieli, musiikki–musiikki) havaitsemista myös siirtymävaikutusta erityisesti musiikista kielen havaitsemiseen. Tämä Pro Gradu -tutkielma selvitti äänikirjojen ja musiikin kuuntelun vaikutuksia varhaiseen puheen ja musiikin havaitsemiseen ensimmäisestä aivohalvauksesta toipuvissa aivoissa. Kontrolloituun tutkimusasetelmaan kuului kaksi interventioryhmää, joista toinen kuunteli päivittäin äänikirjoja ja toinen musiikkia ensimmäisten kahden kuukauden aikana aivohalvaukseen sairastumisesta; kontrolliryhmä ei saanut kuunneltavaa materiaalia. Potilaiden (N = 55) varhaista puheen ja musiikin havaitsemista aivoissa mitattiin äänisarjassa poikkeavan tavun (puhe) ja soinnun (musiikki) magneettisella poikkeavuusnegativisuusvasteella (magnetic mismatch negativity, MMNm) akuuttivaiheessa sekä seurantamittauksissa kolme ja kuusi kuukautta aivohalvaukseen sairastumisesta. Magnetoenkefalografisten (MEG) vasteiden lähteet aivoissa paikannettiin erotuskäyrien miniminormiestimaateilla (MNE) potilaiden yksilöllisissä, rakenteellisiin magneettiresonanssikuviin (MRI) perustuvissa aivomalleissa. Vasteiden lähteet rajoitettiin kuuteen puheen ja musiikin havaitsemisen kannalta keskeiseen alueeseen (keskimmäinen ja alempi otsalohkopoimu, ylempi ja keskimmäinen ohimolohkopoimu sekä supramarginaalinen ja kulmapoimu). Ryhmä- ja leesion hemisfäärin interaktiot analysoitiin tilastollisesti toistomittausten varianssianalyysillä näillä alueilla. Lisäksi interaktiotulokset korreloitiin (Pearson) neuropsykologiseen kuntoutumiseen verbaalisen muistin, työmuistin, kielen ja musiikin havaitsemisen osa-alueilla aivovasteiden laajemman osallisuuden selvittämiseksi auditiivisessa tiedonkäsittelyssä. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että äänikirjojen kuuntelu tehosti varhaista kielen havaitsemista vasemmanpuoleisilla otsalohkon alueilla kontrolliryhmään verrattuna; MMNm:n lateralisoituminen vasemmalle ilmeni kolme kuukautta aivohalvaukseen sairastumisesta ja oli lisäksi yhteydessä verbaalisen muistin paranemiseen äänikirjaryhmällä. Musiikin havaitseminen puolestaan herätti MMNm- ja P3a-komponentin yhdistelmän, jonka amplitudi vasemmalla alemmalla otsalohkopoimulla korreloi negatiivisesti työmuistin ja verbaalisen muistin paranemiseen kuusi kuukautta aivohalvaukseen sairastumisesta. Musiikin kuuntelu paransi suoriutumista, kun äänikirjojen kuuntelu oli yhteydessä kasvavaan amplitudiin ja heikkenevään työ- ja verbaaliseen muistiin; ilmiö todennäköisesti liittyy musiikin aikaansaamaan aktivaation levittäytymiseen aivoissa. Yhdessä tulokset viittaavat siihen, että äänikirjojen kuuntelu voi kehittää varhaista auditiivista havaitsemista kielimodaliteetin sisällä, joskaan se ei suoraan tue myöhempää, tarkkaavuuteen ja/tai musiikkimodaliteettiin liittyvää havaitsemista. Musiikin kuuntelu sen sijaan ei tue varhaista puheen havaitsemista suoraan, mutta voi edistää aivohalvauksen jälkeisiä plastisia muutoksia havaitsemisen ja verbaalisen muistin kannalta edullisemmalla tavalla.

The accession to the European Union (EU) in 1995 has been one of the most important decisions made in the post-Cold War Finland. A decade after the end of the Cold War period, Finland had become a full member of both the EU and the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entering the inner circle of European decision-making. Deepening European integration created a challenge for Finnish parties which had traditionally based their ideology on national default lines. For Vasemmistoliitto (VAS), the dimension of European integration created a challenge. In the 1990’s, VAS, established as a successor of Suomen Kansan Demokraattinen Liitto (SKDL), had to form its opinion on European integration. As other European radical left parties, VAS too, struggled to find its ideological basis on the post-Cold War Europe. This study discusses VAS position on European integration from the establishment of the party in 1990 until 1998. By means of qualitative content analysis, it seeks to answer what the VAS position on European integration was and why did it change. Party archives, two interviews of VAS party secretaries and newspaper material have been used as primary sources of the analysis. The main finding of this study is that VAS position on European integration was characterized by the party’s will to be seen as fit to govern. VAS leadership avoided taking an official position to the EU membership and finally in 1997, after a member referendum, the party adopted a pro-EMU line. As all major parties supported European integration, anti-EU and anti-EMU positions would have meant a role in opposition ranks for VAS for years to come. In the 1990’s, VAS was characterized by inner conflict and the rise of social populism inside the party. As the majority of VAS voters were against European integration, VAS position on Europe did not reflect the opinions of the voters of the party very well. VAS was traumatized by the deep inner split of its predecessor SKDL and isolation from the mainstream Finnish politics. The long path in opposition that SKDL had experienced was a frightening future scenario for VAS. In order to advance values and politics central to the party, VAS had the urge to be seen as fit to govern and as a reliable coalition partner. The Nordic sister parties’ decades long path in opposition only strengthened the will of VAS to be there where the decision were made. The accelerating pace of European integration in the 1990’s partly urged VAS to rethink in which direction it as a radical left-wing party was heading to. The questions on the EU and the EMU were a stimulus for VAS to define what kind of values it aimed to advance.