Browsing by study line "Social Sciences"

Tämän pro gradu- tutkielman tarkoituksena on tarkastella turvapaikan turvallistamista niin sanotun ’maahanmuuttokriisin’ aikana vuonna 2015, analysoiden Helsingin Sanomien samaisen vuoden julkaisuja. Tutkielmassa keskitytään siihen, miten turvallisuusdiskursseja kehystetään yleisölle, ja mitä mahdollisia taustalla olevia logiikoita pelon synnyttämiseen liittyen voidaan tunnistaa. Aluksi tutkielmassa esitellään analyysin teoreettinen tausta, turvallistamisteoria ja diskurssiteoria, sekä aiheeseen liittyvä historiallinen ja sosiopoliittinen tausta, jotta tutkielmassa voitaisiin paremmin ymmärtää, kuinka turvallistamisdiskurssit esitettiin yleisölle. Tämän jälkeen tutkielma käsittelee turvallistamista maahanmuutto- ja turvapaikka-asioiden kontekstissa. Tutkielmassa esitellään myös median rooli turvallistamisprosessissa ja tarkastellaan, miten rasistiset ja ksenofobiset logiikat usein vaikuttavat tähän prosessiin. Kirjallisuuskatsaus Pohjoismaissa tehdyistä turvapaikan turvallistamista koskevista tutkimuksista antaa lisätaustaa turvapaikan turvallistamiselle ja esittelee, miten tutkielma osallistuu olemassa olevaan aihetta koskevaan kirjallisuuteen. Tutkielman analyysiosa esittelee tammi-joulukuun 2015 välisenä aikana Helsingin Sanomissa julkaistujen artikkelien analyysin havaintoja. Näitä käsitellään erillisessä keskustelukappaleessa, joka pyrkii vastaamaan johdantoluvussa esitettyihin keskeisiin tutkimuskysymyksiin. Analyysin tulokset osoittivat, että tiedotusvälineet osallistuvat turvallistamisprosessiin tuottamalla ja toistamalla uhkaa ja pelkoa aiheuttavia diskursseja, usein ilman empiiristä tietoa, ja jättämällä huomiotta turvapaikanhakijoiden kokemukset. Analyysi päättelee, että seitsemän toisiinsa kietoutuvaa diskurssia vaikutti pelon ja toiseuttamisen luontiin HS:n artikkeleissa, ja nämä olivat juurtuneet rasistiseen ja ksenofobiseen logiikkaan.

This thesis examines the role of markets in speeches made by Ministers of Finance Iiro Viinanen and Jyrki Katainen in the plenary sessions of the Finnish parliament in 1991-1994 and 2007-2010. The aim of this study is to analyse political discourses in speeches made about state budget proposals during two economic crises, the depression of the 1990s and the Global Financial Crisis. The thesis employs Bob Jessop’s Cultural Political Economy approach to view crises as moments of contestation for hegemonic discourses and ideologies, and an opportunity to examine political and social change in the age of neoliberalism through speech. Both crises were also characterised by the contestation of the relationship between Finland and the EU, first centred around accession to the EU and in particular the role of EMU convergence criteria in designing economic policy, and in the second crisis on the nature of centre-periphery relations amid the Eurozone crisis. The purpose of this research has been to uncover the way in which ministerial speeches reflect the neoliberalisation of Finland through a specific national context, which is characterised in particular by the relationship between the state and individual, the moral nature of economic decision-making, the increasing influence and power of the civil service on decision-making through the Ministry of Finance, and the gradual replacement of defence policy by economic policy as the defining factor of Finland’s independence and sovereignty. The thesis explores these concepts through the use of Theo van Leeuwen’s conceptualisation of discourse as the recontextualisation of social practices, analysing the speeches using a comparative and thematic perspective. The analysis finds that while the Ministers of Finance did not draw on discourses of legitimation by authority with regards to the Ministry of Finance, the consistent themes during both periods drew heavily on themes of absolute necessity, responsible decision-making, moralistic attitudes towards the Finnish citizen, and constructions of unity of the Finnish people. Both Ministers also referred to market forces, investor confidence, and trust as existential questions for the sovereignty of the nation and emphasised the need for permanent changes in Finland towards the direction of a neoliberalised market economy. Similarly, the Ministers appeared to draw on paternalist understandings of the state as a shepherd of its people, a guardian of a small nation against predatory international forces, and yet a reasoned disciplinarian of an irresponsible child. The study concludes that in particular the discourses on which the Ministers draw that rely on moralistic and paternalistic articulations of the relationship between the state and the individual can be seen as indicative of the national context of neoliberalisation in Finland. Furthermore, the extent to which the crises are framed as learning opportunities varies, though both Ministers consistently refer to the permanence of the changes (structural in particular) to be made to the Finnish economy, and in differing ways envision a new age in Finland, nonetheless one of credibility, responsibility, and a stable market economy. The study also offers new avenues for research, particularly for the wider debate in parliament and crisis construals therein, in addition to using the theory and the methods of this thesis to analyse other crises, perhaps non-economic in nature, such as the COVID-19 crisis. Furthermore, the thesis also suggests that further research could be conducted on the paternalistic and moralistic aspects of ministerial politics in particular.

In the past decades, sanctions have become a vital part of the European Union’s (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To better understand decision-making within the CFSP, this work focuses on how the EU sanctions against Russia are upheld. It does so through the lens of the Netherlands and Finland, two small countries in the EU. The study concentrates on the way small countries participate in sanctions regimes, which is important due to the required unanimity for upholding sanctions. Both domestic dynamics for participating in sanctions as well as attitudes towards European cooperation are taken into account. By conducting a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA) on parliamentary debates in Finland and the Netherlands from 2016, the study compares the interests and focus of national politicians when sanctions are under discussion. The material consists of approximately 170 units of coding per country, which originate from around 15 debates throughout the year. The results offer new insight into some of the factors affecting decision-making of small states in sanctions. The data shows that the Netherlands has a stricter stance towards upholding sanctions on Russia, whereas Finnish politicians highlight the impact of sanctions on Finland. In general, both the Netherlands and Finland are in favour of upholding sanctions, but strongly differ domestically in the way they go about the sanctions. In conclusion, this study finds that small EU countries present themselves as strongly supporting EU unity when sanctions are in place. Nevertheless, these countries differ significantly in domestic preferences, meaning that they participate in sanctions regimes through different means.

Climate policy is contentious by nature bringing forth global environmental concerns, challenging the economic structures, and emphasizing the role of humans in anthropogenic climate change. In Europe, at national levels of governance, right-wing populist and nationalist actors have been identified as climate hostile articulating skepticism of the overall issue, how it is governed, and how it impacts the people. With the rise of populism in Europe right-wing populist actors are organizing in the European Parliament (EP) where the similarities and differences in climate hostility come to play in the transnational decision-making forum. The right-wing populist and nationalist parties from the Member States of the Union are represented on a transnational level in the European Parliament by Members of Parliament in a political group called Identity and Democracy. This thesis deploys the method of post-foundational discourse analysis to analyze how the political group of Identity and Democracy uses the elements of right-wing populism in the climate policy discourse at the European Parliament. A distinct medium of communication by the political group is plenary booklets, which will be used as material in the analysis. The second aim of the research is to use the chosen method to assess the impact of the political group in the climate policy discourse. The scope of the thesis and the angle of approaching climate hostility through the political groups of the EP set the research apart from previous research. The key research outcomes show how anti-elitism, people’s sovereignty, and skepticism create patterns that consist of counter-hegemonic articulations aiming to reshape the meaning of Eurocentric climate policies. This formulates the climate policy stance of the political group. This stance is limited to only criticizing the climate action of the EU and does not offer any substantial contribution to the policy debate. However, it does manage to create an antagonism in the discourse where the climate action is juxtaposed as harmful to people and industries in the EU Member States. In conclusion, this study sheds light on how Identity and Democracy as a right-wing populist group actively shape the discourse on climate policy in the European Parliament with counter-hegemonic acts aiming to reshape the meaning of Eurocentric green growth. This thesis successfully addressed two research questions that pertain to how a single political group can influence climate policy discourse.

Gender equality and human rights have been foundational values of the European Union (EU) from the beginning however, it has initiatives to integrate the Women, Peace and Security agenda at all EU levels (including local, national, regional, and international level). Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda recognizes the need for systematic inclusion of gender perspectives, women empowerment and gender equality in peace and security, specially in the EU’s external action and foreign policy. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the EU’s WPS policies and discover how efficiently the WPS agenda is implemented in EU’s Advisory Missions (EUAM). This thesis follows the qualitative case study methodology to identify whether there is any difference between policy and practice. EUAM Iraq and Ukraine were analyzed as case studies to understand the research purpose. Case studies were examined based on the information available at EUAM Iraq and Ukraine and WPS agenda conceptualization is done by assessing EU policy documents (Council Conclusion 2018, Action Plan on WPS 2019-2024). For analysis ‘women empowerment framework’ and ‘social relation approach’ are used as analytical tools. The analysis suggests women's empowerment is not only the increase of numbers but also vertical participation (equal presence in leadership, decision-making process, policy-making and in programme execution). In addition to that, lacking at structural level reproduces and institutionalizes masculinity and inequality. The research concludes that women’s participation is increasing in peace and security sector however, by positional aspect women are far behind than men because fewer women are seen in leading and managing positions. Moreover, for an effective and meaningful implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, a good synchronization between WPS policy and mission mandates is needed. From a theoretical point of view the thesis identified the EU is a gender norm leader but it promotes gender equality from certain perspectives and goals. EU advocates gender equality in external actions and foreign policy to establish an image of gender-equal actor but in practice, EU missions do not demonstrate equality in positions. Moreover, images published in EUAM Iraq and Ukraine portray EU men and women are superior to host countries' men and women. However, for effective and meaningful implementation of the WPS agenda women's empowerment needs to be at both ends so that the progression can happen equally.

The linkage between the import prices and the exchange rate is an important topic in the open economy macroeconomics. However, there is a few literature focusing on the elasticity of the import prices with respect to the exchange rate especially in Finland. The aim of this study is to estimate the Exchange Rate Pass-through (ERPT) on the aggregated Finnish import prices. With the time series of Finnish Import Price Index, the aggregated foreign Producer Price Index and the aggregated foreign exchange rate index from 2001 to 2017, the analysis suggests the short-term ERPT on Finnish import prices is 36.3% and the long-term ERPT is 70.7%. Finland’s domestic demand has little impact on the short-term ERPT on Finnish import prices, while it likely reduces ERPT by 1 to 5 percentage points in long term.

The legacies of WWI often have central position in shaping national memory and in many occasions create national myth that shapes historical understanding in certain ways. The issues often trigger heated debate on how to interpret history in national and transnational context. Such is true for Finland. The history of the historiography of Finnish participation in WWII is a process of national interpretations being challenged from outside, notably researchers from Anglophone regions. The debate surrounding such challenges made from external perspectives are still topic of debate in the current context and calls for deconstructing the national myth to incorporate national history into European context are made. While the details of the Anglophone challenges are found in previous literature, how other researchers outside of Finland explained Finnish history of WWII are not well documented. To expand the landscape of the Finnish history research in other regions, this research will focus on the history writing of Japanese historians on Finnish WWII history. The literature that will be analysed are those published in Japan between 1951 and 2017, which includes works aimed at academic and public audience. Analysis will be made using conceptual history approach to understand the text “as they were written” through comparing them with the context within which it was written. The context includes both historiography of the Finnish WWII in available literature in English by Finnish and Anglophone authors, as well as Japanese sociopolitical and historiographical context of seiyōshi (Western History). Through the analysis, several findings were identified. Key findings include the shift in the nomenclature of the wars from wartime names, Soviet Finnish War, to translation of Finnish names, shift in the “problem space” of the Finnish history in Japanese literature, both of which originates to the clarification of the niche by the contributions from early historians. Another feature was relatively quick presentation and acceptance of Anglophone interpretations regarding the origins of the wars, though with variations between historians. This is most likely due to external perspective they share with those from Anglophone regions. The central finding of this research was the very strong emphasis on the small state in virtually all Japanese literature. While the notions appear in Finnish and Anglophone literature, the genre trope of the Western History research resonates strongly in the literature, especially the notions to “learn from the Occident”.

Belarus migration instrumentalisation attempt created unprecedented crisis at the Easters European borders. With increasing numbers of migrants at the borders, Lithuania found itself facing a possibility of larger scale conflict. Measures have been implemented to stop migrants at the border and prevent new migration route to Europe from forming. Theoretically, the thesis places itself between the fields of migration and international relations. We look into the theory of securitization and investigate the aspects upon which migration is perceived as an issue of security and how it can be framed as one by the governing bodies. On the other hand, we try to understand the elements that enable migration instrumentalisation. To use migration as a tool, host country is needs to be susceptible to such attempts either from societal perspective, such as assigned ethical expectations or through its international obligations. This thesis implements Robert M. Entman’s definition of framing into analysis on how the common frames of migration securitization have been used in Lithuanian political debates during the migration instrumentalisation attempt. A total of 5 frames have been drawn from theory and their presence in the discussions have been identified. These frames have been used to portray the migration as a threat to security to legitimize the implementation of securitizing measures. The analysis supports the existing approach that migration framing is dependent on geographical factors. Being the country to experience first-hand migration influx, Lithuania frames migration as a threat and issue to the border security. Parliamentary discussion framed increase of immigration firstly as an instrument used by Belarus to destabilize situation in Lithuania as well as Europe.

Finland and Estonia have been displaying contrasting views on dependence on Russian energy. Finland, echoing Germany’s Ostpolitik, regards mutual dependency as key to peace and prosperity. In contrast, Estonia, along with the Baltic states and Poland, views Russia’s gas monopoly as a threat to European security. The aim of this study is to examine the language used in discussions about Russian energy and dependence on Russian energy in the parliamentary debates of Finland and Estonia. Discourse theory is utilized as a methodological tool to examine securitization narratives on Russia and Russian energy. The research covers two distinct time frames: February 1 to December 31 of both 2014 and 2022, representing the immediate aftermath following the Russian annexation of Crimea and the subsequent Russian invasion of Ukraine. The findings reveal differences in the securitization discourses of Russian energy. In 2014, the Finnish parliament actively resisted securitization in a context of already desecuritized energy policy environment, while Estonia engaged in securitization during the same period. By 2022, Estonia continued to emphasize the threat posed by Russian energy, whereas an evident change can be seen in Finland. The long line of Finnish Russia policy, trusted neighborly relations, is told to have come to an end, signaling a shift towards securitization. Both countries prioritize renewable energy as a means to reduce reliance on Russian energy. An essential finding in both of the time periods is that in Estonia the origin of the imported energy is problematized, landing securitization on Finland as Russian energy transit country. Estonian discourses advocate for transparency in cross-border energy trade, a discussion notably absent in Finnish data. Overall, the study underscores the divergent approaches of Finland and Estonia towards Russian energy and security. However, the gap between security perceptions on Russian energy between said countries has converged.

A few weeks after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia on 24 February 2022, French President Emmanuel Macron warned against ‘the temptation of humiliation’ of Russia in order to negotiate the issue of the Russian-Ukrainian war. This statement sparked a lot of discussions among allied partners, and raises the question of the place of France in the Western support to Ukraine, as well as in the EU and NATO. While France had reclaimed its role as an exemplary ally in the Euro-Atlantic space, Emmanuel Macron’s statements came at an important political and reputational cost. This thesis addresses the origin and relevance of Macron’s humiliation narrative drawing from the literature on the role of emotions and status in international relations, as well as the history of French foreign policy, in particular towards Russia. It analyses the French response to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine by examining three dimensions of policy change: modes of action, institutional commitments, discourses. This thesis demonstrates that, while Macron’s cautious stance about Russia can be explained by the domestic political context in France, his discursive practices contradict the French efforts to support Ukraine, and harm the Eastern allies’ perception of France as a reliable provider of security. This has notably led Macron to toughen his position on Russia in 2023.